scholarly journals Mobilities: Physical and Social

2021 ◽  
pp. 127-173
Author(s):  
Ryan Sweet

AbstractThis chapter focuses on the influence of prosthesis use on social mobility, challenging predominant utopian views regarding nineteenth-century prosthetics. It exposes the social restrictions underpinning prosthesis use, while showing how several writers challenged the status quo. Centring on a case study of Charles Dickens’s portrayal of the villainous wooden-leg user Silas Wegg in Our Mutual Friend (1864–1865), the chapter identifies how Dickens drew from anxieties surrounding the social position of amputees by presenting a wooden-leg user as a transgressive social climber. The chapter places Dickens’s representation of Wegg in context with his other depictions of prosthesis users and those found in his journals Household Words and All the Year Round. This chapter argues that stories such as Dickens’s ultimately problematize the logic of prosthesis use.

PMLA ◽  
1926 ◽  
Vol 41 (2) ◽  
pp. 262-279 ◽  
Author(s):  
Gordon Hall Gerould

An uncertainty as to the social position of franklins in general, and of Chaucer's Franklin in particular, has occasionally manifested itself since the early part of the nineteenth century. In 1810, Todd quoted an elaborate note from Waterhous's Commentary on Sir John Fortescue's De Laudibus Legum Angliae, which tended to show that franklins did not belong to the gentry. Todd was unable to square this with the fact that (Chaucer's Franklin was “at sessiouns,” since by a statute of Edward III, which he cited, justices were seigneurs, and that he was “ofte tyme” a knight of the shire, since by another statute members of parliament were “chivalers et serjantz des meulz vaues du paies.”) Todd was thus left in doubt as to the gentility of the Franklin. As a later examination of Fortescue's remarks will show, it is not he but his commentator who must be blamed for lowering the status of Chaucer's sanguine country gentleman. If Todd had been of firmer mind, or if he had studied the subject more deeply, he would not have left the matter in doubt—a trap for unwary feet in later times.


2020 ◽  
Vol 132 (4) ◽  
pp. 609-635
Author(s):  
Ellen Neslo

Abstract Social mobility in nineteenth-century Paramaribo: the extraordinary library of Johanna Christina Jonas (1799-1849)The free black teacher, librarian, and shopkeeper Johanna Christina Jonas lived in the slave society of Paramaribo, the capital city of Suriname, in the nineteenth century. Born into slavery, she was granted her freedom by her master. After her death an estate inventory was made which included a record of the library collection and the administration of debtors of the school, library, and bookstore. This article explores Johanna’s position and the role she and her school, library, and bookstore played in encouraging the social mobility of free people of colour in Paramaribo. The inventory gives us a nice glimpse of the reading behaviour of the citizens of Paramaribo in the nineteenth century. It turns out that Johanna was able to create more favourable conditions for free people of colour to improve their social position. With her school and library she allowed them to access a range of educational opportunities and a supply of books.


2015 ◽  
Vol 14 (4) ◽  
pp. 315-336 ◽  
Author(s):  
Zhenhua Su ◽  
Yang Cao ◽  
Jingkai He ◽  
Waibin Huang

Existing studies have traced China’s high political trust to three sources: traditional culture, the state’s success in fostering economic growth, and ideological propaganda. We identify a fourth source: perceived social mobility. We argue that when people perceive a reasonable chance for upward mobility based on personal initiatives and efforts, the status quo becomes more justifiable because individuals are responsible for their own successes and failures. Perceived social mobility thus instills a sense of optimism and fairness and exonerates the regime from many blames, thereby enhancing political trust. Regression analysis of the China portion of the 2007 World Values Survey data shows that respondents who saw themselves as having choices and control in life were indeed more likely to trust the ruling communist party. The respondents’ overall level of perceived social mobility is also high, which is consistent with the massive shake-up of the preexisting social order in China’s reform era.


Author(s):  
Ian Duncan

This chapter situates Our Mutual Friend at the intersection of nineteenth-century projects of culture: the antiquarian, pedagogical, and anthropological. Silas Wegg and the doll’s dressmaker, Jenny Wren, represent competing versions of the novel’s imaginative sources in popular culture, attached to successive historical stages. Wegg is a corrupt avatar of the Romantic ballad revival, with its commitments to antiquarian nationalism and a degenerationist cultural history. Jenny personifies a communal heritage of folktales, fairy tales, and nursery rhymes, absorbed organically in childhood, anticipating the anthropological claim on these materials, in the decades after Dickens’s death, as relics of a universal ‘savage mind’. Our Mutual Friend resists both programmes, the anthropological as well as the antiquarian, in counterpoint to its well-studied critique of the acquisition of culture through formal schooling.


2020 ◽  
Vol 29 (2) ◽  
pp. 141-159
Author(s):  
Jan Adriaan Schlebusch

Abstract In his strategic political positioning and engagement in the nineteenth century, Groen van Prinsterer looked towards both the past and the future. Rhetorically, he appealed to the past as a vindication of the truth and practicality of his anti-revolutionary position. He also expressed optimism for the success of his convictions and political goals in the future. This optimism was reflected in the confidence with which he engaged politically, despite experiencing numerous setbacks in his career. Relying on the phenomenological-narrative approach of David Carr, I highlight the motives and strategies behind Groen’s political activity, and reveal that the past and the future in Groen’s narrative provide the strategic framework for his rhetoric, and the basis for his activism. I accentuate how the emphasis of his narrative shifts away from the status quo and thus enables a type of political engagement that proved historically significant for the early consolidation of the Dutch constitutional democracy.


Author(s):  
Tahir Abbas

This article situates the debate on the United Kingdom’s Prevent policy in the broader framework of the global paradigm for countering violent extremism (CVE), which appeared at the end of 2015. It argues that omission of a nuanced focus on the social, cultural, economic, and political characteristics of radicalised people has led to a tendency to introduce blanket measures which, inadvertently and indirectly, have had harmful results. Moreover, although Prevent has been the fundamental element of the British government’s counterterrorist strategy since 2006, it confuses legitimate political resistance of young British Muslims with signs of violent extremism, thus giving credence to the argument that Prevent is a form of social engineering which, in the last instance, pacifies resistance by reaffirming the status quo in the country’s domestic and foreign policy.


2017 ◽  
Vol 2 (1) ◽  
pp. 89-104
Author(s):  
Diah Hastuti ◽  
Ahmad Hamid ◽  
Edy Marsudi

Abstrak. Mobilitas  sosial  merupakan  perpindahan  dari  suatu kelas sosial ke kelas sosial lainnya yang biasanya ditunjukkan melalui  pekerjaan sekarang yang berbeda dari pekerjaan sebelumnya. Salah satu keberhasilan dari adanya program transmigrasi adalah terjadinya mobilitas sosial ke arah yang lebih baik pada peserta transmigrasi. Penelitian ini bertujuan untuk mengetahui bagaimana mobilitas sosial yang terjadi pada peserta transmigrasi dan keturunannya, untuk mengetahui seberapa besar terjadi mobilitas vertikal antar generasi dan untuk mengidentifikasi tingkat kesejahteraan keluarga transmigrasi menurut indikator BKKBN. Data yang digunakan adalah data primer dan data sekunder. Metode analisis yang digunakan adalah analisis deskriptif kualitatif. Hasil penelitian menunjukkan bahwa dilihat dari pekerjaan generasi I dan II tidak terjadi mobilitas sosial, dengan jumlah sampel sebanyak 66 responden yang terdiri dari 3 generasi yang mana pada generasi I dan generasi II pekerjaan mereka masih sebagai petani yang berubah hanya status pekerjaannya saja, namun pada generasi III selain responden bekerja sebagai petani ada responden yang bekerja sebagai pegawai/karyawan, dilihat dari pendidikan hanya generasi III yang pendidikannya lebih baik dibandingkan generasi sebelumnya, dan dilihat dari kepemilikan Aset generasi II dan III lebih baik dibandingkan generasi I nya. Mobilitas vertikal antar generasi terbesar yang terjadi adalah berdasarkan pendidikan yaitu sebesar 54,5%. Untuk pentahapan keluarga sejahtera menurut BKKBN, terdapat sebanyak 20,4% keluarga transmigrasi yang berada pada kategori Keluarga Prasejahtera, Keluarga Sejahtera I sebesar 75,9%, dan Keluarga Sejahtera II sebesar 3,7%.Transmigration Family Social Mobility In Placement In 1981 And Their Descendants In The Village Of  Krueng Itam Sub-District Of Tadu Raya Nagan Raya RegencyAbstract. Social mobility is the movement of a social class to other social classes are usually shown through the work now is different from previous work. One of the success of the transmigration program is social mobility towards better on participants transmigration. This study aims to determine how the social mobility that occurs in the transmigration of participants and their descendants, to know how big happening vertical mobility between generations and to identify the level of family welfare indicators transmigration according to BKKBN. The data used are primary data and secondary data. The analytical method used is descriptive qualitative analysis. The results showed that the views of the work first generation and the second generation does not occur social mobility, with a total sample of 66 respondents consisting of three generations of which the first generation and the second generation of their work is still as farmers are changing only the status of the job, but at generation III besides the respondents worked as farmers there are respondents who worked as an employee/employees, viewed from education only generation III are better educated than previous generations, and the views of the ownership of generation assets II and III generation better than generation I. The vertical mobility between generations that happens is by education that is equal to 54.5%. For a prosperous family phasing BKKBN, there are as many as 20.4% of families transmigration in the category Pre-Welfare Family, Family Welfare I equal to 75.9%, and Family Welfare II amounted to 3.7%.


2020 ◽  
Vol 5 (2) ◽  
pp. 171-191
Author(s):  
Hasbi Aswar ◽  
Danial Bin Mohd. Yusof ◽  
Rohana Binti Abdul Hamid

In a social movement study, countermovement emerges when certain movement is considered to bring threat to the status quo or the current political and social condition. Social movement seeks for changing the existing situation while the countermovement pursues to keep it. As a result, the conflict between two becomes inevitable, where both will compete to win over the other. The existence of Hizb ut-Tahrir in Indonesia (HTI) for years is responded by some Islamic groups especially Nahdlatul Ulama (NU) and its allies, as threat to the Indonesian life due to the idea brought by HTI. It becomes the root of conflict between HTI and other Islamic groups in Indonesia. This article aims to explain the conflict between HTI and other Islamic groups by elaborating the effort of the Islamic groups to counter the HTI narratives and mobilization by using countermovement approach in social movement studies. This article is a case study research and using mainly secondary data to analyze the issue. This article found that Nahdlatul Ulama as the main countermovement played significant role to counter Hizb ut-Tahrir`s religious and political narratives as well as its political mobilization.


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