The Institutional Foundation of Countermobilization: Elites and Pro-Regime Grassroots Organizations in Post-Handover Hong Kong

2021 ◽  
pp. 1-22
Author(s):  
Samson Yuen
Keyword(s):  
Hong Kong ◽  
Social Control ◽  
Political Institutions ◽  
The State ◽  
Grassroots Organizations ◽  
Common Strategy ◽  
The Masses ◽  
Hybrid Regime ◽  
Scholarly Attention

Abstract Countermobilization has been a common strategy for autocrats to counteract the threat of opposition. Although the use of countermobilization has drawn scholarly attention, research on the mechanisms that enable countermobilization remains limited. This article underscores the role of political institutions in allowing autocrats to carry out countermobilization through incentivizing elites to serve as a bridge between the state and the masses. Focusing on the case of Hong Kong, where pro-government countermobilization is rising along with pro-democracy challenges against the hybrid regime, the article argues that countermobilization is enabled because societal elites are incentivized through political institutions to organize the masses and develop mobilization capacity through grassroots organizations. Using original elite biographical data and organizational data, the article shows that elites with more ties with grassroots organizations are more likely to remain in office in the Chinese People's Political Consultative Conference. The findings offer an institutionalist explanation of how authoritarian rulers enact countermobilization by leveraging elite intermediaries and their grassroots networks. In this light, political institutions can serve as a conduit for the state to extend social control.

Społeczne i kulturowe determinanty funkcjonowania państwa u progu XXI wieku

1970 ◽  
Vol 21 (282) ◽  
pp. 3-18
Author(s):  
Michał Strzelecki
Keyword(s):  
Political Institutions ◽  
Common Good ◽  
The State ◽  
Political Conflicts ◽  
Role Of The State ◽  
Macro Scale ◽  
The Common ◽  
Civic Awareness ◽  
Political Scene

The contemporary state crisis is a derivative of complex economic and social processes. His indicators include not only the visible increase in the intensity of political conflicts (both on a micro and macro scale), the revival and development of separatist tendencies, and the weakening of the role of the state as the basic instrument of organizing collective life. It is also increasing fragmentation of the political scene, the development of particularisms, weakening and progressive dysfunctionality of existing political institutions, increasing economic rivalry and the collapse of the generally accepted axiological system, which is accompanied by increasingly clear questioning of the idea of the common good and progressing pragmatism and egoism. An important element is therefore the disappearance of civic awareness and activity. The intensification of these disturbing tendencies is certainly not supported by the modern education system, whose hallmarks are commercialization and economization, withdrawal of the state and professionalization.

scholarly journals SOCIAL CONTROL AS A KEY FACTOR OF ANTI-CORRUPTION

2017 ◽  
Vol 3 (4) ◽  
pp. 24-19
Author(s):  
Артем Цирин ◽  
Artem Tsirin ◽  
Сергей Матулис ◽  
Sergey Matulis ◽  
Марина Молчанова ◽  
...  
Keyword(s):  
Civil Society ◽  
Social Control ◽  
Scientific Research ◽  
The State ◽  
Civil Society Organizations ◽  
Key Factor ◽  
New Ideas

The article outlines the positions expressed by the participants of the VI Eurasian Anti-Corruption Forum “Social Control as a Key Factor of Anti-Corruption”, held on April 26—27, 2017. The work of the Forum is aimed at understanding the actual theoretical and practical problems of ensuring social control in the sphere of anti-corruption, searching for new ideas, forms and effective ways of institutionalizing anti-corruption control by society in Russia and abroad. The discussed questions: the regulation of social control in various legal orders; criminological characteristics of corruption crime; main trends in the development of international anti-corruption cooperation; corruption offenses of organizations and the attitude of society towards such offenses; the role of the institution of commissioners in protection of the rights of entrepreneurs in anti-corruption; issues related to improving the effectiveness of social control, including anti-corruption education. The participants of the Forum came to the conclusion that the fight against corruption is a task not only for state authorities and local self-government, but also for civil society, organizations and citizens. At the same time, the improvement of the state anticorruption policy assumes conducting interdisciplinary scientific research of the state, trends and dynamics of corruption, as well as anti-corruption legislation and practices. Based on the results of the work, recommendations were approved.

scholarly journals معاشرہ میں منبر و محراب کا کردار۔ایک تحقیقی جائزہ

rahatulquloob ◽  
2020 ◽  
pp. 96-110
Author(s):  
Dr Muhammad Ishaq Alam ◽  
Dr Aziz ur Rehman Saifee
Keyword(s):  
Code Of Conduct ◽  
The State ◽  
Important Place ◽  
Pivotal Point ◽  
Religious Issues ◽  
The Government ◽  
New Policies ◽  
The Masses ◽  
Holy Place

Masjid is a holy place of ALLAH, which is not only a central point for prayers but also a pivotal point for Muslim Collectivism. Miner and Altar (Menbar o mehrab) are the most important place in a Masjid from where people have been acquiring religious, political and social guidance for centuries. In the era of Prophet Muhammad and during Caliphate, the services of a Masjid used to be very wide-ranging and comprehensive. The sermon of reigning Caliph was delivered on this very Miner of Masjid. From here, the general public was given the awareness of new policies and State decisions. But, the scope of the services of Masjid got very narrowed down when those who were responsible for the state abandoned their role of leading from this platform. now the role of Miner & Altar is limited to providing only the religious guidance. Even then, in recent times, the state of Masjid in our society has been deter-iorated. From the Miner and Altar of a Masjid, we listen more of sectarianism rather than the Deen-e-Islam itself. The same old conventional and controversial matters are repeated again and again; and the contemporary religious issues are put aside and ignored. There is a proper code of conduct in many countries in this regard. But, we have a very different situation in our country where the Miner and Altar are very much autonomous and independent. So, the custodianship of Miner and Altar in Masjid should only be given to well-educated and reasonable people who have good eye for contemporary environment and guide their followers by discussing important social and religious issues rather than propagating their preferred sects. And more importantly, the representative of the government should also periodically take charge of this custodianship so that the masses are politically guided and they become closer to each other as well.

scholarly journals Mutaciones y tensiones de la escuela contemporánea: miradas críticas

2016 ◽  
Vol 1 (1) ◽  
pp. 75
Author(s):  
María Alejandra Taborda Caro ◽  
Ínia Franco de Novaes
Keyword(s):  
Twentieth Century ◽  
Social Control ◽  
School System ◽  
The State ◽  
State Reform ◽  
History Of ◽  
Set Up ◽  
The Masses ◽  
Siglo Xx ◽  
Contemporary School

A fines de la década de los años 70 del siglo XX, se percibieron los primeros síntomas de las mudanzas a las que fue sometida la escuela de la modernidad. Estas variaciones fueron usadas como pretexto para exponer un profundo cambio que la época develada, la educación de masas, explosión demográfica, entre otras. La reforma estatal más importante, omnipresente, amplia y extendida de todas las épocas es la vinculación a la escuela de las dificultades propias de la economía, el Estado y las organizaciones. En los últimos treinta años se han configurado las subjetividades más complejas presentes en la historia de la escuela, donde el más crudo de los individualismos colonizó este espacio. Las anteriores mutaciones parecieran pertenecer al género de obviedades que no es preciso explicar, pues “los cambios son porque están”. De ahí que se requiera, desde miradas históricas y pedagógicas, comprender la génesis de estos cambios que determinaron el formato de la escuela contemporánea. Desde miradas genealógicas arqueológicas para futuras revisiones, este documento dará algunas pistas sobre el giro de la escuela dentro del consenso transcultural adherido a la educación de masas y sobre la creación de un dispositivo de control social del mundo escolar a través de las disciplinas escolares.Palabras clave: escuela, cambios, historia, crítica.AbstractIn the late 70s of the twentieth century, the first signs of the changes to which the School of modernity was brought under are perceived. These variations were used as a pretext to expose an existing deep change that stood out above others: education to the masses. The most important, pervasive, widespread and extensive state reform of all ages is the link to the school of the own difficulties of the economy, the State and organizations. In the last thirty years, the most complex subjectivities present in the history of the school have been set up, the crudest model of individualism colonized this space. The previous mutations seem to belong to the genre of truism that is not necessary to explain: “The changes are because they are”. Hence, it is required from historical and pedagogical understanding the genesis of these changes that determined the format of the contemporary school. From archaeological genealogical looks for future reviews, this document will give some clues about the shift of the school in the transcultural consensus adhered to the education to the masses, and the creation of a device for social control of the school system through school subjects.Keywords: school, changes, history, criticism.

Społeczne i kulturowe determinanty funkcjonowania państwa u progu XXI wieku

1970 ◽  
Vol 21 (282) ◽  
pp. 3-18
Author(s):  
Michał Strzelecki
Keyword(s):  
Political Institutions ◽  
Common Good ◽  
The State ◽  
Political Conflicts ◽  
Role Of The State ◽  
Macro Scale ◽  
The Common ◽  
Civic Awareness ◽  
Political Scene

The contemporary state crisis is a derivative of complex economic and social processes. His indicators include not only the visible increase in the intensity of political conflicts (both on a micro and macro scale), the revival and development of separatist tendencies, and the weakening of the role of the state as the basic instrument of organizing collective life. It is also increasing fragmentation of the political scene, the development of particularisms, weakening and progressive dysfunctionality of existing political institutions, increasing economic rivalry and the collapse of the generally accepted axiological system, which is accompanied by increasingly clear questioning of the idea of the common good and progressing pragmatism and egoism. An important element is therefore the disappearance of civic awareness and activity. The intensification of these disturbing tendencies is certainly not supported by the modern education system, whose hallmarks are commercialization and economization, withdrawal of the state and professionalization.

scholarly journals Unresolved problems in the theory of state identity policy in Russian political science

2020 ◽  
pp. 86-110
Author(s):  
Olga Popova
Keyword(s):  
Political Science ◽  
Political Institutions ◽  
State Policy ◽  
The State ◽  
Negative Effects ◽  
State Identity ◽  
National State ◽  
Systemic Problems ◽  
Political Communities

The article analyzes the state of research of the state policy of identity in Russian political science as one of the most significant in the theoretical and political-practical terms of the topics of interdisciplinary body of knowledge about identity. The author shows two stages in the development of this issue in Russian political science, brings evidence of the institutionalization of this area of research. The article provides an overview of the scientific landscape of Russian research on the problem of state policy of identity, uncovers the strengths and weaknesses, as well as the stages of the formation of this topic, and determines the most significant discrepancies in the views of Russian researchers. Special attention has been given to the problem of the relationship between civil and national-state identity as a result of the implementation of the state policy of identity, the change in the role of traditional social and political institutions in this process. The problems of reducing the role of traditional and political institutions in the process of forming the political attitudes of citizens are stressed. The paper cites selected excerpts from expert interviews to confirm the differences in the views of scientists. The author focuses on the systemic problems of the development of modern Russian political science, which limit the possibilities of development of its individual directions. Among them there are unjustified subjective feelings of the seconddary nature of research and theoretical attitudes of Russian scientists, unfounded popularization of certain topics, “fashion” for specific scientific approaches, the development of citation practices on the “regional” principle. In addition, the results of the developments of scientists are in demand in real politics, which can also have its side negative effects, for example, in the form of the development of ideas about the fundamental possibility of forming a unified national-state identity with given parameters in large social groups and political communities.

From Government to Opposition: The Rural Settlement Movements of the Israel Labor Party in the Wake of the Election of 1977

1982 ◽  
Vol 14 (1) ◽  
pp. 53-69 ◽  
Author(s):  
Neal Sherman
Keyword(s):  
Political Institutions ◽  
International Institutions ◽  
The State ◽  
Rural Settlement ◽  
The Political ◽  
Labor Party ◽  
Zionist Movement ◽  
State Of Israel

The “Upheaval” (mahapach) of May 1977 brought to an end forty-four years of Labor hegemony in the international institutions of the Zionist movement and twenty-nine years of Labor dominance in the political institutions of the State of Israel. In the wake of the 1977 election, the Israel Labor Party found itself forced into the unfamiliar role of opposition–and with it the rural settlement movements associated with the party.

scholarly journals State Capacity, Reciprocity, and the Social Contract

Econometrica ◽  
2020 ◽  
Vol 88 (4) ◽  
pp. 1307-1335 ◽  
Author(s):  
Timothy Besley
Keyword(s):  
Public Goods ◽  
Social Contract ◽  
Political Institutions ◽  
Tax Compliance ◽  
The State ◽  
Civic Culture ◽  
The Social ◽  
Relative Payoff ◽  
Common Interests

This paper explores the role of civic culture in expanding fiscal capacity by developing a model based on reciprocal obligations: citizens pay their taxes and the state provides public goods. Civic culture evolves over time according to the relative payoff of civic‐minded and materialist citizens. A strong civic culture manifests itself as high tax revenues sustained by high levels of voluntary tax compliance and provision of public goods. This captures the idea of government as a reciprocal social contract between the state and its citizens. The paper highlights the role of political institutions and common interests in the emergence of civic culture.

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