II. The Political Role of the Parlement of Paris, 1715–23

1965 ◽  
Vol 8 (2) ◽  
pp. 179-200
Author(s):  
J. H. Shennan
Keyword(s):  
The State ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Role ◽  
Legal Structure ◽  
Form Of Government ◽  
Parlement Of Paris

The most recent biographer of Montesquieu has written:…the similarity between the ideas of the former president a tnortier and those of the parlements is sometimes striking.…The king, they admit, is the legislator and the fount of justice. The parlements, however, are the repositories of his supreme juris-diction. To remove it from them is to offend the laws of the state and to overthrow the ancient legal structure of the kingdom.…This tradition of the parlements inspired and was inspired by the political doctrine of Montesquieu; and when the President writes of the monarchy of his own day…as being the best form of government that men have been able to imagine, it is monarchy supported by this tradition which he has in mind.

Lebanon: A Military in Politics in a Divided Society

2020 ◽  
Author(s):  
Oren Barak
Keyword(s):  
Political System ◽  
Middle Eastern ◽  
Public Support ◽  
Armed Forces ◽  
The State ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Role ◽  
Divided Society ◽  
The Military

Since Lebanon’s independence in the mid-1940s, its military—the Lebanese Armed Forces (LAF)—has played a pivotal role in the country’s politics. The political role of the LAF in Lebanon might seem surprising since the Lebanese state did not militarize, and its political leaders have continuously managed to keep their military relatively weak and small. Indeed, in this respect Lebanon has been markedly different from its close neighbors (Syria and Israel), but also from several other Middle Eastern states (especially Egypt and Iraq), where the military, which was large and powerful, was continuously involved in politics. Additionally, both Lebanon and the LAF have persistently striven to distance themselves from regional conflicts since 1949, particularly in relation to the Palestinian issue, albeit not always successfully. Still, and despite these ostensibly unfavorable factors for the military’s involvement in politics in Lebanon, the LAF has played an important political role in the state since its independence. This role, which has been marked by elements of continuity and change over the years, included mediation and arbitration between rival political factions (in 1945–1958, 2008, 2011, and 2019); attempts to dominate the political system (in 1958–1970 and 1988–1990); intervention in the Lebanese civil war (in 1975–1976 and 1982–1984); attempts to regain its balancing role in politics (in 1979–1982 and 1984–1988); and facilitating the state’s postwar reconstruction (since 1991). The political role of the military in Lebanon can be explained by several factors. First, the weakness of Lebanon’s political system and its inability to resolve crises between its members. Second, Lebanon’s divided society and its members’ general distrust towards its civilian politicians. Third, the basic characteristics of Lebanon’s military, which, in most periods, enjoyed broad public support that cuts across the lines of community, region, and family, and found appeal among domestic and external audiences, which, in their turn, acquiesced to its political role in the state.

scholarly journals Comments to the article “The political role of the State in Cambridge theories of growth and distribution”

2021 ◽  
Vol 41 (1) ◽  
pp. 207-214
Author(s):  
JOÃO GABRIEL DE ARAUJO OLIVEIRA ◽  
RENATO NOZAKI SUGAHARA ◽  
JOANILIO RODOLPHO TEIXEIRA
Keyword(s):  
Income Distribution ◽  
Dynamic Equilibrium ◽  
The State ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Role ◽  
Essential Nature ◽  
Role Of The State ◽  
The Government ◽  
The Stability

ABSTRACT This comment came to refute and correct the idea of Charles (2007) about the negatively implications in the income distribution when the government expand the consumption in favour to households. We prove that the political choice, to both cases (increasing consumption or increasing profit), impact positively the income distribution and does not affect the essential nature of the Kaldor neo-Pasinetti dynamic equilibrium results and the “Cambridge Equation”. The stability of the model is guarantee by applying the Olech’s Theorem to the case.

State Autonomy or Class Domination: Approaches to Administrative Politics in Wilhelmine Germany

1983 ◽  
Vol 35 (4) ◽  
pp. 631-651 ◽  
Author(s):  
Gary Bonham
Keyword(s):  
Political Behavior ◽  
Political Development ◽  
The State ◽  
Social Classes ◽  
Future Research ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Role ◽  
German Politics ◽  
Role Of The State

Despite increased interest in the political role of the state, attention is currently shifting away from the state's contribution to political development in Wilhelmine Germany. There are, however, a number of unresolved questions concerning the Wilhelmine state bureaucracy's role in German politics that make the abandonment of political analyses of the state premature. Earlier approaches to the Wilhelmine administration have argued that it was either insulated from society or subordinate to dominant social classes. Such monolithic analyses are unable to account for bureaucratic commitments to competing, substantive interests and goals as well as for administrative conflict over such commitments. This problem can be avoided through hypotheses that explain bureaucratic political behavior in terms of class, administrative structure, or ideology. These hypotheses may be of general use for future research on administrative politics in other societies as well as in Wilhelmine Germany.

Better than (when) a Magistrate? Caesar’s Suspension from Magisterial Functions in 62 bc

Mnemosyne ◽  
2017 ◽  
Vol 70 (6) ◽  
pp. 977-995
Author(s):  
Roman M. Frolov
Keyword(s):  
The State ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Role ◽  
The Moment ◽  
Better Than

AbstractAccording to Suetonius, in 62bcthe praetor Caesar was ‘banished from the administration of the state’ and left the forum. A spontaneous gathering (coetus) offered him help in recovering his position. Unexpectedly he restrained the crowd, and the grateful senate itself restored him to his rank. Even though only Suetonius explicitly mentions Caesar’s suspension, in fact, all our sources allow this. I will argue that Caesar did not lose his magistracy, just like the plebeian tribune Metellus Nepos affected by the same measures. Nor did the suspension include the restriction of any magisterial prerogatives. Instead, it meant the loss of political initiative. However, Caesar was still able to respond to the initiative of others. Suetonius’ account raises a number of questions about the political role of those who found themselves at the moment of transition from a position of amagistratusto that of aprivatus, and vice versa.

scholarly journals Mujer y economía. La “narrativa de la crisis” desde la perspectiva de género

1970 ◽  
Vol 47 (1) ◽  
pp. 93-105
Author(s):  
Magda Potok
Keyword(s):  
Economic Crisis ◽  
The State ◽  
The Political ◽  
Social Models ◽  
Political Role ◽  
Female Authors ◽  
Politics Of Literature ◽  
Notable Increase ◽  
Political Intervention

For the last two decades, especially since the 2008 economic crisis, there has been a notable increase in literary works exploring social, political and economic themes in Spain. The growing number of “crisis novels” has reignited the debate about the political role of literature and its ability to challenge and modify existing social models. This article seeks to highlight the female perspective within this discussion.The aim of my analysis of the five novels written by contemporary Spanish female authors (Belén Gopegui, Cristina Fallarás, Cristina Morales, Elvira Navarro and Marta Sanz) and published between 2007 and 2018 is to expose the distinctive female experience as represented in the literature, where it often turns into undermining the system. If women’s literary practice takes the form of political intervention, it is not just because of the collapse of the fundamental trust in the state and its institutions, but mainly due to the shifts in the distribution of the sensible, as we tend to understand the politics of literature after Jacques Rancière.

Something Gleaming

Theoria ◽  
2020 ◽  
Vol 67 (165) ◽  
pp. 92-117
Author(s):  
Bronwyn Leebaw
Keyword(s):  
The Political ◽  
Political Role ◽  
Common Concern ◽  
The Way

What kinds of lessons can be learned from stories of those who resisted past abuses and injustices? How should such stories be recovered, and what do they have to teach us about present day struggles for justice and accountability? This paper investigates how Levi, Broz, and Arendt formulate the political role of storytelling as response to distinctive challenges associated with efforts to resist systematic forms of abuse and injustice. It focuses on how these thinkers reflected on such themes as witnesses, who were personally affected, to varying degrees, by atrocities under investigation. Despite their differences, these thinkers share a common concern with the way that organised atrocities are associated with systemic logics and grey zones that make people feel that it would be meaningless or futile to resist. To confront such challenges, Levi, Arendt and Broz all suggest, it is important to recover stories of resistance that are not usually heard or told in ways that defy the expectations of public audiences. Their distinctive storytelling strategies are not rooted in clashing theories of resistance, but rather reflect different perspectives on what is needed to make resistance meaningful in contexts where the failure of resistance is intolerable.

Turbulent Property Rights

2018 ◽  
Author(s):  
Hazel Gray
Keyword(s):  
Property Rights ◽  
Land Reform ◽  
High Growth ◽  
The State ◽  
The Political ◽  
Land Markets ◽  
Export Agriculture ◽  
Key Sectors ◽  
Political Settlement

This chapter explores the role of the political settlement in shaping outcomes of land investments by analysing struggles in key sectors of the economy. Land reform during the socialist period had far-reaching implications for the political settlement. Reforms to land rights under liberalization involved strengthening land markets; however, the state continued to play a significant role. Corruption within formal land management systems became prevalent during the period of high growth. Vietnam experienced a rapid growth in export agriculture but, in contrast with stable property rights for smallholders, Tanzania’s efforts to encourage large land investments were less successful. Industrialization in both countries generated new forms of land struggles that were influenced by the different distributions of power between the state, existing landowners, and investors.

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