scholarly journals On the Role of a Social Identity Analysis in Articulating Structure and Collective Action: The 2011 Riots in Tottenham and Hackney

2016 ◽  
Vol 57 (4) ◽  
pp. 964-981 ◽  
Author(s):  
Clifford Stott ◽  
John Drury ◽  
Steve Reicher
2022 ◽  
Author(s):  
Andrew G Livingstone ◽  
Russell Spears ◽  
Antony Manstead ◽  
Damilola Makanju ◽  
Joseph Sweetman

A major theme in social psychological models of collective action is that a sense of shared social identity is a critical foundation for collective action. In this review, we suggest that for many minority groups, this foundational role of social identity can be double edged. This is because material disadvantage is also often coupled with the historical erosion of key aspects of ingroup culture and other group-defining attributes, constituting a threat to the very sense of who “we” are. This combination presents a set of dilemmas of resistance for minority groups seeking to improve their ingroup’s position. Focusing on the role of ingroup language and history, we present an integrative review of our research on five different dilemmas. We conclude that the central role of social identity in collective action and resistance can itself present challenges for groups whose core sense of who they are has been eroded.


2019 ◽  
Vol 13 ◽  
Author(s):  
Danielle P. Ochoa ◽  
Eric Julian Manalastas ◽  
Makiko Deguchi ◽  
Winnifred R. Louis

Men have an important role as allies in reducing discrimination against women. Following the Social Identity Model of Collective Action (SIMCA), we examined whether men's identification with women would predict their allied collective action, alongside moral convictions, efficacy, and anger. We also examined whether identification with their own ingroup would decrease their willingness to improve women's situation. We tested the SIMCA, extended to consider ingroup identification among men, in Japan (N = 103) and the Philippines (N = 131). Consistent with the SIMCA, moral convictions and group efficacy predicted men's willingness to engage in collective action to fight discrimination against women. However, anger was not significant, and identification with the advantaged and disadvantaged groups played different roles in the two countries. We discuss the possible role of norms and legitimacy in society in explaining the pattern of results.


2017 ◽  
Vol 20 (3) ◽  
pp. 317-332 ◽  
Author(s):  
Giovanni A. Travaglino ◽  
Dominic Abrams ◽  
Giuseppina Russo

Italian criminal organisations (COs) are a serious global threat. Intracultural appropriation theory (ICAT) holds that such groups exploit cultural codes of masculinity and honour to legitimise and lower resistance to their actions. Such codes are an important feature of Southern Italian group membership. A large survey ( N = 1,173) investigated the role of two previously underexamined facets of honour cultures—personal concerns for reputation, and female honour ideology. In addition, drawing on social identity theory, and testing a dual-route hypothesis, this research investigated the role of beliefs about the necessity of social change in the articulation between identification, honour, and collective action intentions. Consistent with ICAT, and with previous research, male-honour-related values uniquely predicted collective action intentions against criminal organisations. In addition, consistent with the dual-route hypothesis: (a) regional identification positively predicted social change beliefs which in turn explained stronger intentions to oppose COs collectively, and, (b) regional identification was also positively associated with masculine honour which in turn predicted weaker intentions to oppose COs. The evidence supports the idea that social identity can have opposing effects on collective action in the same context, depending on which beliefs are mobilised.


2020 ◽  
Author(s):  
Joshua D. Wright ◽  
Michael T. Schmitt ◽  
Caroline Mei Li Mackay

We extend social identity models of pro-environmental collective action by expanding on the plausible role of access to cognitive alternatives to the environmental status quo (i.e., the ability of people to imagine what a sustainable relationship with nature would look like). Using a representative Canadian survey on age, gender, and ethnicity (N = 1029) we evaluate the associations between access to environmental cognitive alternatives and politicized environmental identity and willingness to engage in pro-environmental activist behavior. Additionally, we extend research using exclusively self-reported outcomes by giving participants the opportunity to write and sign a pro-environmental letter to the Canadian Minister of the Environment and Climate Change. Our results suggest that envisioning specific ways in which the status quo can be changed is associated with stronger politicized environmental identity, greater willingness to engage in pro-environmental activist behavior, and increased likelihood of writing and signing a pro-environmental letter to the Canadian Minister of the Environment and Climate Change. All methods and analyses follow our preregistration (https://osf.io/b56ry) and all materials and data are openly available (https://osf.io/24yeq/).


2017 ◽  
Vol 5 (1) ◽  
pp. 200-223 ◽  
Author(s):  
Anna Wlodarczyk ◽  
Nekane Basabe ◽  
Darío Páez ◽  
Larraitz Zumeta

The study set out to integrate collective action models and emphasize the role of emotions. Whereas the importance of anger is indisputable, relatively little attention has been paid to the role of positive emotions, such as hope, in collective action research. Hence, the aim of the study was to explore the role of hope and anger as drivers of participation and involvement in collective mobilizations. A cross-sectional field study (N = 638) conducted right after the emergence of the 15-M socio-political protest movement in Spain assessed the emotions and beliefs of both demonstrators and those who took no part in the active mobilization. We hypothesized that anger and hope would sequentially mediate the relationship between collective action frames and participation in collective action. Furthermore, to test this premise, we ran two alternative sequential mediation models based on the social identity model of collective action (SIMCA) and the encapsulated model of social identity in collective action (EMSICA), but with emotions as mediators between collective action frames and intensity of participation. Both models fit the data well, suggesting the importance of considering multiple causal pathways, and showing that anger and hope sequentially mediate the relation between these frames and involvement in collective action. The results support the crucial role of hope in mobilizing individuals to take part in collective action.


2019 ◽  
Vol 23 (7) ◽  
pp. 967-978 ◽  
Author(s):  
Aya Adra ◽  
Charles Harb ◽  
Mengyao Li ◽  
Anna Baumert

This study examined factors underlying collective action tendencies in a context of severe disadvantage and high repression. Drawing on the Social Identity Model of Collective Action (SIMCA; van Zomeren, Postmes, & Spears, 2008), we tested the roles of group-based anger, participative efficacy, group identity—SIMCA variables—but also fear. Although SIMCA has been widely used in various social contexts, little is known about how well it applies to severely disadvantaged groups in highly repressive situations. In the study of female Filipina domestic workers ( N = 123) in Beirut, Lebanon, results provided partial support for SIMCA, such that identity indirectly and positively predicted collective action intentions via efficacy, but not anger. Importantly, fear modulated the paths from anger and efficacy to collective action intentions. Efficacy and anger positively predicted collective action tendencies among individuals low, but not high, in fear. These findings attest to the importance of studying political actions among underrepresented populations.


2019 ◽  
Vol 46 (6) ◽  
pp. 823-838 ◽  
Author(s):  
Emma F. Thomas ◽  
Elena Zubielevitch ◽  
Chris G. Sibley ◽  
Danny Osborne

Although the social identity model of collective action (SIMCA) demonstrates that identity, efficacy, and injustice are key correlates of collective action, longitudinal tests of these causal assumptions are absent from the literature. Moreover, most collective action research focuses on disadvantaged groups’ responses to injustice, with few studies examining what motivates advantaged groups to protest. We address these oversights using nationally representative longitudinal panel data to investigate SIMCA among members of disadvantaged ( N = 2,574) and advantaged ( N = 13,367) groups. As hypothesized, identity predicted increases in injustice, efficacy, and collective action support over time. In turn, injustice (but not efficacy) mediated the longitudinal association between identity and collective action support. Notably, results were largely consistent across disadvantaged and advantaged groups. Thus, we provide the first demonstration that identity temporally precedes collective action across objectively disadvantaged and advantaged groups, but identify complexities regarding the role of efficacy in protest.


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