Rationalizing Conflict

2016 ◽  
Vol 60 (8) ◽  
pp. 1473-1502 ◽  
Author(s):  
Carly Wayne ◽  
Roni Porat ◽  
Maya Tamir ◽  
Eran Halperin

How does accountability impact political decisions? Though previous research on accountability has demonstrated its potential effects in the realms of business, elections, and more, very little research has explored the effect of citizen accountability in highly ideological, intractable, and political conflicts. This article addresses this issue, looking at the unique interaction between accountability and ideology on Israeli citizens’ political attitudes regarding the Israeli–Palestinian conflict. The results of two experimental studies in Israel reveal that accountable individuals behave in significantly more ideologically partisan ways than their nonaccountable counterparts. Moreover, this polarization is dependent on the specific conflict context, with leftists more affected by the issue of negotiations and rightists by security concerns. This signals that ideological polarization under accountability may depend on the “issue ownership” each ideological group feels toward the specific conflict context and its corresponding social goal of projecting ideological consistency on these issues.

2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Victoria Ashley Parker ◽  
Matthew Feinberg ◽  
Alexa Mary Tullett ◽  
Anne E Wilson

Americans’ hostility toward political opponents has intensified to a degree not fully explained by actual ideological polarization. We propose that political animosity may be based particularly on partisans’ overestimation of the prevalence of extreme, egregious views held by only a minority of opponents but imagined to be widespread. Across five studies (N= 4993; three preregistered), we examine issue extremity as an antecedent of false polarization. Both liberals and conservatives report high agreement with their party’s moderate issues but low agreement with the extreme issues associated with their side. As expected, false polarization did not occur for all issues. Partisans were fairly accurate in estimating opponents’ moderate issues (even underestimating agreement somewhat). In contrast, partisans consistently overestimated the prevalence of their opponents’ extreme, egregious political attitudes. (Over)estimation of political opponents’ agreement with extreme issues predicted cross-partisan dislike, which in turn predicted unwillingness to engage with opponents, foreclosing opportunities to correct misperceptions (Studies 2-4b). Participants explicitly attributed their dislike of political opponents to opponents’ views on extreme issues more than moderate issues (Study 3). Partisans also reported greater unwillingness to publicly voice their views on their side’s extreme (relative to moderate) issues, a self-silencing which may perpetuate misconceptions (Studies 1, 2, 4a&b). Time spent watching partisan media (controlling political orientation) predicted greater overestimations of the prevalence of extreme views (Studies 2, 4a&b). Salience of opponents’ malevolence mattered: first reflecting on opponents’ (presumed nefarious) election tactics made partisans on both sides subsequently more accepting of unfair tactics from their own side (Studies 4a&b).


2020 ◽  
Vol 27 ◽  
pp. 7-20
Author(s):  
Leszek Sobkowiak ◽  
Andrzej W. Jabłoński

Political theory in the research of professor Andrzej Czajowski   Professor Andrzej Czajowski, an academic scholar and lecturer at the University of Wroclaw, conducted interdisciplinary scientific research in many fields of political science. His main field of interest was political theory. The subjects of his research were, inter alia, the nature of politics and political aspects of other social phenomena, the relations between political power, decisions, actions, agents and structures. Professor Czajowski conducted interdisciplinary research from the perspectives of political theory, political psychology and law. His main contribution to empirical and analytical political theory was the development of a new understanding of different academic concepts in political science, such as politics, power, political decisions and political activity. In the published books and research papers professor Czajowski has developed new meanings of key political science concepts, such as politics, power, political action, political decisions, political attitudes, political conflicts and political thought. His academic works have enriched the language of political science and political theory by adding new classifications and typologies, and contributed to a better understanding of the complexity of politics.


2022 ◽  
Author(s):  
Tak Huen Chau ◽  
Junyan Jiang

What drives ordinary citizens to participate in costly pro-democracy endeavors? Conventional theories of democratization emphasize the economic or political conflicts between citizens and elites. This article suggests a different mechanism of mobilization based on inter-group relations. We argue that as a pro-majoritarian institution, democracy may be sought after by members of a disenfranchised majority as a way to protect their interests and identity against perceived economic or political threats posed by certain minority outgroups. We evaluate this argument by drawing evidence from Hong Kong, a city that has recently witnessed major waves of pro-democracy uprisings. Two experimental studies on local university students reveal that subjects' attitudes toward the mainland Chinese visitors and immigrants are causally related to their support for democratization. Observational evidence from surveys and elections further shows that pro-democracy attitudes are stronger in areas that recently experienced a large influx of mainland Chinese. These findings underscore the powerful role of group-based sentiments in episodes of democratization.


2017 ◽  
Author(s):  
Igor Grossmann ◽  
Harrison Oakes ◽  
Henri Carlo Santos

The role of emotions in wise reasoning is not well understood. On the one hand, work on emotional regulation suggests downregulating intense emotions may lead to wiser reasoning. On the other hand, emerging work suggests recognizing and balancing emotions provides critical insights into life experiences, suggesting an alternative path to wiser reasoning. We present a series of observational, diary, and experimental studies (N = 3,678) addressing these possibilities, examining how wisdom-related characteristics of reasoning—epistemic humility, recognition of a world in flux/change, self-transcendence, recognition of diverse perspectives on an issue, search for integration of diverse perspectives/compromise—relate to emotional intensity and to emodiversity (i.e., emotional richness and evenness) in a given situation. Across five studies—testing wisdom nominees and examining individual differences and manipulated wise reasoning, it appeared in conjunction with emodiversity, independent of downregulated emotional intensity. The positive association between emodiversity and wisdom-related characteristics occurred consistently for daily challenges, unresolved interpersonal conflicts, as well as political conflicts. The relationship between emotional intensity and wisdom-related characteristics was less systematic, with some studies suggesting a positive (rather than negative) association between emotional intensity and wisdom. Together, these results demonstrate that wise reasoning does not necessarily require uniform emotional downregulation. Instead, wise reasoning can also benefit from a rich and balanced emotional life.


2020 ◽  
Author(s):  
Baobao Zhang

This dissertation presents experimental and quasi-experimental studies that examined the drivers of Americans' attitudes toward social programs. The first and second essays sought to understand how benefiting social programs (e.g., Medicare and governmental scholarships) affected voters’ political attitudes and behavior, a process termed policy feedback. The third essay investigated how expert forecasts about automation's potential impact shaped Americans' beliefs about the future of work and preferences for governmental response.The first essay, "Hands Off My Medicare? Self-Interest and Conditional Policy Feedback," examined how Medicare affects American seniors' political attitudes and behavior. Seniors citizens, compared with other age groups, have consistently expressed the lowest level of support for the Affordable Care Act (ACA). This observation has led some to hypothesize that seniors oppose the ACA because they perceive that the policy threatens Medicare. Lerman and McCabe’s (2017) regression discontinuity design study produces a surprising finding: receiving Medicare increases support for the ACA. My research tackles the methodological problems of the original study and expands the analysis to include four additional datasets. Contrary to Lerman and McCabe (2017), I find that acquiring Medicare has almost no impact on one’s support for the ACA and limited impact on one’s support for Medicare. My study suggests that evidence for policy feedback through changes in public opinion is weak, and where it exists, respondents’ shift in attitudes reflects their self-interest.The second essay "Scientists’ Political Participation is Not Motivated by Government Benefits" (with Matto Mildenberger, University of California, Santa Barbara) examined the relationship between government funding for science education and political activism by scientists. Some political critics of scientists argue that scientists have become partisan political actors with self-serving financial agendas. However, most scientists strongly reject this view. While social scientists have explored the effects of science politicization on public trust in science, little empirical work directly examines the drivers of scientists' interest in and willingness to engage in political advocacy. Using a natural experiment involving the U.S. National Science Foundation Graduate Research Fellowship (NSF-GRF), we causally estimate for the first time whether scientists who have received federal science funding are more likely to engage in both science-related and non-science-related political behaviors. Comparing otherwise similar individuals who received or did not receive NSF support, we find that scientists' preferences for political advocacy are not shaped by receiving government benefits. Government funding did not impact scientists' support of the 2017 March for Science, nor did it shape the likelihood that scientists donated to either Republican or Democratic political groups. Our results offer empirical evidence that scientists' political behaviors are not motivated by self-serving financial agendas. They also highlight the limited capacity of even generous government support programs to increase civic participation by their beneficiaries.The third essay, "No Rage Against the Machines: Threat of Automation Does Not Change Policy Preferences," examined whether the threat of workplace automation changes political preferences. Labor-saving technology has already decreased employment opportunities for middle-skill workers. Experts anticipate that advances in artificial intelligence (AI) and robotics will cause even more significant disruptions in the labor market over the next two decades. This paper presents three experimental studies that investigate how this profound economic change could affect mass politics. Recent observational studies suggest that workers’ exposure to automation risk predicts their support not only for redistribution but also for right-wing populist policies and candidates. Other observational studies, including my own, find that workers underestimate the impact of automation on their job security. Misdirected blame towards immigrants and workers in foreign countries, rather than concerns about workplace automation, could be driving support for right-wing populism. To correct American workers’ beliefs about the threats to their jobs, I conducted three survey experiments in which I informed workers about the existent and future impact of workplace automation. While these informational treatments convinced workers that automation threatens American jobs, they failed to change respondents' preferences on welfare, immigration, and trade policies. My research finds that raising awareness about workplace automation did not decrease opposition to globalization or increase support for policies that will prepare workers for future technological disruptions.


Author(s):  
Alexa Bankert

Democracy depends upon citizens’ ability and motivation to make political decisions: the decision to turn out and vote, to protest, or simply to support or oppose certain policies. Political scientists have dedicated significant attention to the study of individual political decision-making. This type of research was primarily shaped by the rational choice paradigm, which assumes the individual acts as a rational agent and attempts to explain and predict political behavior by examining the costs and benefits associated with it. This approach, however, does not account for people’s decision to become politically active in the face of high costs and low returns. Whereas some researchers have tried to further develop rational choice theory by expanding its parameters, political psychologists have explored alternative avenues including genetics, neuroscience, and personality and social psychology. Social psychology in particular has gained recognition among political scientists as the concept of social identity has spread throughout the discipline. Social identity theory focuses on the part of an individual’s self-concept that is derived from perceived membership in a social or political group. In the political realm, race, religion, and ethnicity, as well as ideology and partisanship, represent some of the most consequential identities for people’s political preferences. In particular, an abundance of research has shown partisanship to be one of the strongest predictors of political attitudes, turnout, and voting behavior. Notably—and breaking with some of the axioms of rational choice—this string of research demonstrates that partisanship is not necessarily grounded in ex-ante political preferences and carefully considered party platforms but instead drives people’s political attitudes and behaviors. From that vantage point, the social identity approach reverses the causal arrow that was originally posited by rational choice: Rather than being the outcome of stable political preferences, partisanship serves as their origin. To explain this reversed causation, social identity researchers postulate that partisans utilize their group membership as an anchor to navigate the political word. Motivated by the desire to be good team players and advance the party’s status, partisans fall in line with their party, thereby aligning their political attitudes with the party’s platform. Using surveys and field experiments, political psychologists have provided convincing evidence for the validity of these psychological dynamics. Especially in the United States, partisan identity is a key factor in explaining mass political polarization and interparty hostility. Contrary to many expectations, however, the social identity approach’s utility goes beyond the United States’ two-party system and extends to European multiparty systems despite the substantial variations across political systems. In addition to its value for empirical political behavior research, Social identity theory also comes with heavy normative implications. If partisans blindly follow their party’s stances on crucial political decisions, how can one ensure accountability, increase citizens’ understanding of complex political issues, and encourage partisans to reach across the aisle and engage with their political rivals?


2019 ◽  
Vol 49 (3-4) ◽  
pp. 211-216
Author(s):  
Pablo Valdivia ◽  
Lars Rensmann ◽  
Florian Lippert ◽  
Alberto Godioli ◽  
Vera Alexander

This introduction addresses the increased levels of social, political and ideological polarization and the socio-political conflicts in contemporary Europe that are often subsumed under notions of ‘crisis’. We argue that the humanities and social sciences must react to these scenarios in at least two ways: by critically reflecting on the European project, and by analysing key elements of current ‘crisis’ discourses, such as post-factual narratives of ‘decline’, ‘survival’ and ‘emergency’, and populist fictions of homogeneous, ‘tribal’ cultural domains.


2016 ◽  
Vol 8 (2) ◽  
pp. 153-161 ◽  
Author(s):  
Smadar Cohen-Chen ◽  
Richard J. Crisp ◽  
Eran Halperin

In conflicts, political attitudes are based to some extent on the perception of the out-group as sharing the goal of peace and supporting steps to achieve it. However, intractable conflicts are characterized by inconsistent and negative interactions, which prevent clear messages of out-group support. This problem calls for alternative ways to convey support between groups in conflict. One such method is emotional expressions. The current research tested whether, in the absence of out-group support for peace, observing expressions of out-group hope induces conciliatory attitudes. Results from two experimental studies, conducted within the Israeli–Palestinian conflict, revealed support for this hypothesis. Expressions of Palestinian hope induced acceptance of a peace agreement through Israeli hope and positive perceptions of the proposal when out-group support expressions were low. Findings demonstrate the importance of hope as a means of conveying information within processes of conflict resolution, overriding messages of low out-group support for peace.


2019 ◽  
Vol 42 ◽  
Author(s):  
John P. A. Ioannidis

AbstractNeurobiology-based interventions for mental diseases and searches for useful biomarkers of treatment response have largely failed. Clinical trials should assess interventions related to environmental and social stressors, with long-term follow-up; social rather than biological endpoints; personalized outcomes; and suitable cluster, adaptive, and n-of-1 designs. Labor, education, financial, and other social/political decisions should be evaluated for their impacts on mental disease.


Author(s):  
Kent McDonald ◽  
David Mastronarde ◽  
Rubai Ding ◽  
Eileen O'Toole ◽  
J. Richard McIntosh

Mammalian spindles are generally large and may contain over a thousand microtubules (MTs). For this reason they are difficult to reconstruct in three dimensions and many researchers have chosen to study the smaller and simpler spindles of lower eukaryotes. Nevertheless, the mammalian spindle is used for many experimental studies and it would be useful to know its detailed structure.We have been using serial cross sections and computer reconstruction methods to analyze MT distributions in mitotic spindles of PtK cells, a mammalian tissue culture line. Images from EM negatives are digtized on a light box by a Dage MTI video camera containing a black and white Saticon tube. The signal is digitized by a Parallax 1280 graphics device in a MicroVax III computer. Microtubules are digitized at a magnification such that each is 10-12 pixels in diameter.


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