Media audience homophily: Partisan websites, audience identity and polarization processes

2016 ◽  
Vol 19 (7) ◽  
pp. 1072-1091 ◽  
Author(s):  
Shira Dvir-Gvirsman
Keyword(s):  
Political Identity ◽  
Panel Study ◽  
Survey Experiment ◽  
Ideological Polarization ◽  
Partisan Media ◽  
Self Consistency ◽  
Tracking Technology ◽  
Over Time ◽  
Media Audience

The study suggests that media consumers favor certain websites not only due to their content but also due to their audience. A new concept is introduced: “audience homophily,” which describes one’s preference for partisan media websites catering to a homogeneous, likeminded consumership. This attraction is explained in terms of the need for self-consistency, and I suggest that over time such behavior will polarize political identity through a spiral of reinforcement. Based on both a survey-experiment ( N = 300) and a panel study combined with web-tracking technology that recorded online-exposure behavior ( N = 397), it was found that individuals with more extreme ideology present higher levels of audience homophily and that, longitudinally, audience homophily is somewhat associated with ideological polarization, intolerance, and accessibility of political self-definition.

scholarly journals Polarization in the contemporary political and media landscape

2020 ◽  
Author(s):  
Anne E Wilson ◽  
Victoria Parker ◽  
Matthew Feinberg
Keyword(s):  
Social Media ◽  
Political Polarization ◽  
Political Elites ◽  
Ideological Polarization ◽  
Societal Level ◽  
Polarization Phenomena ◽  
Partisan Media ◽  
Over Time

Political polarization is on the rise in America. Although social psychologists frequently study the intergroup underpinnings of polarization, they have traditionally had less to say about macro societal processes that contribute to its rise and fall. Recent cross-disciplinary work on the contemporary political and media landscape provides these complementary insights. In this paper, we consider the evidence for and implications of political polarization, distinguishing between ideological, affective, and false polarization. We review three key societal-level factors contributing to these polarization phenomena: the role of political elites, partisan media, and social media dynamics. We argue that institutional polarization processes (elites, media and social media) contribute to people’s misperceptions of division among the electorate, which in turn can contribute to a self-perpetuating cycle fueling animosity (affective polarization) and actual ideological polarization over time.

scholarly journals Polarization in the Contemporary Political and Media Landscape

2020 ◽  
Author(s):  
Anne E Wilson ◽  
Victoria Parker ◽  
Matthew Feinberg
Keyword(s):  
Social Media ◽  
Political Polarization ◽  
Political Elites ◽  
Ideological Polarization ◽  
Societal Level ◽  
Polarization Phenomena ◽  
Partisan Media ◽  
Over Time

Political polarization is on the rise in America. Although social psychologists frequently study the intergroup underpinnings of polarization, they have traditionally had less to say about macro societal processes that contribute to its rise and fall. Recent cross-disciplinary work on the contemporary political and media landscape provides these complementary insights. In this paper, we consider the evidence for and implications of political polarization, distinguishing between ideological, affective, and false polarization. We review three key societal-level factors contributing to these polarization phenomena: the role of political elites, partisan media, and social media dynamics. We argue that institutional polarization processes (elites, media and social media) contribute to people’s misperceptions of division among the electorate, which in turn can contribute to a self-perpetuating cycle fueling animosity (affective polarization) and actual ideological polarization over time.

A Downward Spiral? A Panel Study of Misinformation and Media Trust in Chile

2021 ◽  
pp. 194016122110252
Author(s):  
Sebastián Valenzuela ◽  
Daniel Halpern ◽  
Felipe Araneda
Keyword(s):  
News Media ◽  
Panel Study ◽  
Future Research ◽  
Panel Survey ◽  
Downward Spiral ◽  
The Media ◽  
Media Trust ◽  
People’S Attitudes ◽  
Over Time

Despite widespread concern, research on the consequences of misinformation on people's attitudes is surprisingly scant. To fill in this gap, the current study examines the long-term relationship between misinformation and trust in the news media. Based on the reinforcing spirals model, we analyzed data from a three-wave panel survey collected in Chile between 2017 and 2019. We found a weak, over-time relationship between misinformation and media skepticism. Specifically, initial beliefs on factually dubious information were negatively correlated with subsequent levels of trust in the news media. Lower trust in the media, in turn, was related over time to higher levels of misinformation. However, we found no evidence of a reverse, parallel process where media trust shielded users against misinformation, further reinforcing trust in the news media. The lack of evidence of a downward spiral suggests that the corrosive effects of misinformation on attitudes toward the news media are less serious than originally suggested. We close with a discussion of directions for future research.

scholarly journals Relationship between obesity and lower rates of breast feeding initiation in regional Victoria, Australia: an 8-year retrospective panel study

BMJ Open ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 11 (2) ◽  
pp. e044884
Author(s):  
Melanie Rae Bish ◽  
Fiona Faulks ◽  
Lisa Helen Amir ◽  
Rachel R Huxley ◽  
Harold David McIntyre ◽  
...  
Keyword(s):  
Breast Feeding ◽  
Mode Of Delivery ◽  
Panel Study ◽  
Multivariable Analysis ◽  
Morbidly Obese ◽  
Hospital Data ◽  
Targeted Interventions ◽  
Live Births ◽  
Breast Feed ◽  
Over Time

ObjectivesUsing routinely collected hospital data, this study explored secular trends over time in breast feeding initiation in a large Australian sample. The association between obesity and not breast feeding was investigated utilising a generalised estimating equations logistic regression that adjusted for sociodemographics, antenatal, intrapartum and postpartum conditions, mode of delivery and infant’s-related covariates.DesignPopulation-based retrospective panel.SettingA regional hospital that serves 26% of Victoria’s 6.5 million population in Australia.ParticipantsAll women experiencing live births between 2010 and 2017 were included. Women with missing body mass index (BMI) were excluded.ResultsA total of 7491 women contributed to 10 234 live births. At baseline, 57.2% of the women were overweight or obese, with obesity increasing over 8 years by 12.8%, p=0.001. Although, breast feeding increased over time, observed in all socioeconomic status (SES) and BMI categories, the lowest proportions were consistently found among the obese and morbidly obese (78.9% vs 87.1% in non-obese mothers, p<0.001). In the multivariable analysis, risk of not breast feeding was associated with higher BMI, teenage motherhood, smoking, belonging to the lowest SES class, gravidity >4 and undergoing an assisted vaginal or caesarean delivery. Compared with women with a normal weight, the obese and morbidly obese were 66% (OR 1.66, 95% CI 1.40 to 1.96, p<0.001) to 2.6 times (OR 2.61, 95% CI 2.07 to 3.29, p<0.001) less likely to breast feed, respectively. The detected dose–response effect between higher BMI and lower breast feeding was not explained by any of the study covariates.ConclusionThis study provides evidence of increasing breast feeding proportions in regional Victoria over the past decade. However, these proportions were lowest among the obese and morbidly obese and those coming from the most disadvantaged backgrounds suggesting the need for targeted interventions to support breast feeding among these groups. The psychosocial and physiological associations between obesity and breast feeding should further be investigated.

scholarly journals Measuring Poverty in Britain as a Multi-dimensional Concept, 1991 to 2003

2008 ◽  
Vol 37 (4) ◽  
pp. 597-620 ◽  
Author(s):  
MARK TOMLINSON ◽  
ROBERT WALKER ◽  
GLENN WILLIAMS
Keyword(s):  
Structural Equation Modelling ◽  
Structural Equation ◽  
Panel Study ◽  
Financial Stress ◽  
Material Deprivation ◽  
New Approach ◽  
Equation Modelling ◽  
Dimensional Measure ◽  
Trends Over Time ◽  
Over Time

AbstractWhile poverty is widely accepted to be an inherently multi-dimensional concept, it has proved very difficult to develop measures that both capture this multi-dimensionality and facilitate comparison of trends over time. Structural equation modelling appears to offer a solution to this conundrum and is used to exploit the British Household Panel Study to create a multi-dimensional measure of poverty. The analysis reveals that the decline in poverty in Britain between 1991 and 2003 was driven by falls in material deprivation, but more especially by reduced financial stress, particularly during the early 1990s. The limitations and potential of the new approach are critically discussed.

scholarly journals Effective but fragile? Responses to repeated nudge-based messages for preventing the spread of COVID-19 infection

2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Shusaku Sasaki ◽  
Hirofumi Kurokawa ◽  
Fumio Ohtake
Keyword(s):  
Behavioral Change ◽  
Infection Prevention ◽  
Online Survey ◽  
Behavioral Changes ◽  
Survey Experiment ◽  
The Third ◽  
Compliance Level ◽  
Change Effect ◽  
Loss Frame ◽  
Over Time

AbstractNudge-based messages have been employed in various countries to encourage voluntary contact-avoidance and infection-prevention behaviors to control the spread of COVID-19. People have been repeatedly exposed to such messages; however, whether the messages keep exerting a significant impact over time remains unclear. From April to August 2020, we conducted a four-wave online survey experiment to examine how five types of nudge-based messages influence Japanese people’s self-reported preventive behaviors. In particular, we investigate how their behaviors are affected by repeated displays over time. The analysis with 4241 participants finds that only a gain-framed altruistic message, emphasizing their behavioral adherence would protect the lives of people close to them, reduces their frequency of going out and contacting others. We do not find similar behavioral changes in messages that contain an altruistic element but emphasize it in a loss-frame or describe their behavioral adherence as protecting both one’s own and others’ lives. Furthermore, the behavioral change effect of the gain-framed altruistic message disappears in the third and fourth waves, although its impact of reinforcing intentions remains. This message has even an adverse effect of worsening the compliance level of infection-prevention behaviors for the subgroup who went out less frequently before the experiment. The study’s results imply that when using nudge-based messages as a countermeasure for COVID-19, policymakers and practitioners need to carefully scrutinize the message elements and wording and examine to whom and how the messages should be delivered while considering their potential adverse and side effects.

The Psychological Well-Being of Taiwanese Youth

2009 ◽  
Vol 24 (3) ◽  
pp. 397-429 ◽  
Author(s):  
Chin-Chun Yi ◽  
Chyi-In Wu ◽  
Ying-Hwa Chang ◽  
Ming-Yi Chang
Keyword(s):  
Depressive Symptoms ◽  
Growth Curve ◽  
Panel Study ◽  
School Context ◽  
Subsequent Development ◽  
Well Being ◽  
Quadratic Growth ◽  
School Factors ◽  
Psychological Well Being ◽  
Over Time

This study examines the growth trajectory of the psychological well-being of Taiwanese adolescents from early to late adolescence. Under the competitive educational system in Taiwan, family and school context are two major loci accounting for the developmental outcome. Data are taken from the Taiwan Youth Project, which is a longitudinal panel study of 2696 students since the year 2000. The study uses individual depressive symptoms as the dependent variable. Family cohesion, family educational strategy as well as classroom effects at school are chosen to indicate the potential contextual influence. Using the latent growth curve method, the analysis confirms that family and school factors do produce different effects over time. Family context is salient at the initial status, but not for subsequent development. Class cohesion as well as adolescents' perceptions of unfairness by teachers determine the depressive level, the linear slope and the non-linear quadratic growth curve. In other words, once the adolescent gets used to junior high school, the school context tends to exert more pronounced effects. Further analysis on gender comparisons indicates that selective family and school effects are more pronounced among females, with a greater degree of depressive symptoms over time. The article concludes that while family and school have different impacts on the growth curve of individual depressive symptoms, the school context exerts salient effects over an adolescent's life course.

The Ties that Blind: Misperceptions of the Opponent Fringe and the Miscalibration of Political Contempt

2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Victoria Ashley Parker ◽  
Matthew Feinberg ◽  
Alexa Mary Tullett ◽  
Anne E Wilson
Keyword(s):  
Political Attitudes ◽  
Political Orientation ◽  
High Agreement ◽  
Ideological Polarization ◽  
Partisan Media

Americans’ hostility toward political opponents has intensified to a degree not fully explained by actual ideological polarization. We propose that political animosity may be based particularly on partisans’ overestimation of the prevalence of extreme, egregious views held by only a minority of opponents but imagined to be widespread. Across five studies (N= 4993; three preregistered), we examine issue extremity as an antecedent of false polarization. Both liberals and conservatives report high agreement with their party’s moderate issues but low agreement with the extreme issues associated with their side. As expected, false polarization did not occur for all issues. Partisans were fairly accurate in estimating opponents’ moderate issues (even underestimating agreement somewhat). In contrast, partisans consistently overestimated the prevalence of their opponents’ extreme, egregious political attitudes. (Over)estimation of political opponents’ agreement with extreme issues predicted cross-partisan dislike, which in turn predicted unwillingness to engage with opponents, foreclosing opportunities to correct misperceptions (Studies 2-4b). Participants explicitly attributed their dislike of political opponents to opponents’ views on extreme issues more than moderate issues (Study 3). Partisans also reported greater unwillingness to publicly voice their views on their side’s extreme (relative to moderate) issues, a self-silencing which may perpetuate misconceptions (Studies 1, 2, 4a&amp;b). Time spent watching partisan media (controlling political orientation) predicted greater overestimations of the prevalence of extreme views (Studies 2, 4a&amp;b). Salience of opponents’ malevolence mattered: first reflecting on opponents’ (presumed nefarious) election tactics made partisans on both sides subsequently more accepting of unfair tactics from their own side (Studies 4a&amp;b).

scholarly journals Do stereotypes about older workers change? A panel study on changing attitudes of managers

2019 ◽  
Vol 41 (5) ◽  
pp. 535-550 ◽  
Author(s):  
Hendrik P. van Dalen ◽  
Kène Henkens
Keyword(s):  
Older Workers ◽  
Soft Skills ◽  
Panel Study ◽  
Change Over Time ◽  
Content Type ◽  
Hard Skills ◽  
Positive Assessment ◽  
Changing Attitudes ◽  
Over Time

Purpose The purpose of this paper is to see whether attitudes toward older workers by managers change over time and what might explain development over time. Design/methodology/approach A unique panel study of Dutch managers is used to track the development of their attitudes toward older workers over time (2010–2013) by focusing on a set of qualities of older workers aged 50 and older. A conditional change model is used to explain the variation in changes by focusing on characteristics of the manager (age, education, gender, tenure and contact with older workers) and of the firm (composition staff, type of work and sector, size). Findings Managers have significantly adjusted their views on the so-called “soft skills” of older workers, like reliability and loyalty. Attitudes toward “hard skills” – like physical stamina, new tech skills and willingness to train – have not changed. Important drivers behind these changes are the age of the manager – the older the manager, the more likely a positive change in attitude toward older workers can be observed – and the change in the quality of contact with older workers. A deterioration of the managers’ relationship with older workers tends to correspond with a decline in their assessment of soft and hard skills. Social implications Attitudes are not very susceptible to change but this study shows that a significant change can be expected simply from the fact that managers age: older managers tend to have a more positive assessment of the hard and soft skills of older workers than young managers. Originality/value This paper offers novel insights into the question whether stereotypes of managers change over time.

The Invention of Neo-Socialism: The Dynamics of Schism and Doctrinal Distinction in the French Socialist Party

2019 ◽  
Vol 61 (3) ◽  
pp. 680-711 ◽  
Author(s):  
Mathieu Hikaru Desan
Keyword(s):  
Political Identity ◽  
Socialist Party ◽  
Political Identities ◽  
New Interpretation ◽  
The Relationship ◽  
Over Time

AbstractWhat is the relationship between schism and political identity? Existing scholarship has tended to focus on the determinants of schism while treating the ideational basis on which schisms are made as largely fixed. In this paper, I develop a new interpretation of the 1933 “neo-socialist schism” within the French Socialist Party to highlight how new political identities can be constituted in and through the process of schism itself. The 1933 schism is often understood as the convergence of a doctrinal revision called “neo-socialism” and a separate tactical challenge to the party's parliamentary practice. But a careful reading of the factional conflict within the party reveals that it was the preceding tactical debate over ministerial participation that was transformed over time into a debate over socialist doctrine. This distinction between “tactics” and “doctrine” performatively defined the limits of acceptable party discourse, and as such was both a weapon and a stake in the factional conflict. I trace the evolution of this conflict and show that, so long as the minority faction was weak, the issue of participation was widely considered “tactical” and thus safe for discussion. But when minority strength grew, the majority sought to redefine the conflict as doctrinal to delegitimate the challengers. Finally, only when a schism appeared inevitable did the challengers themselves adopt the label of “neo-socialism.” Neo-socialism was thus not a pre-constituted political heresy driving the schismatic process, but the contingent and emergent outcome of this very process.

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