Understanding stakeholder positionalities and relationships to reimagine asylum at the US–Mexico border: Observations from McAllen, TX

2020 ◽  
pp. 194277862097931
Author(s):  
Halley L. Glier ◽  
Temperance Staples ◽  
Megan Martínez ◽  
Anita Fábos ◽  
S.E.D. Mitchell ◽  
...  

This paper draws on observational research conducted in McAllen, Texas, during the summer of 2019, of three major stakeholder groups involved in asylum management: Catholic Charities Humanitarian Respite Center (HRC); federal government agencies; and the McAllen community. Each group holds a unique, pluralistic perspective on migration, informing intra-group relations and exposing uneven power dynamics between them. Our analysis is contextualized by a local voice, a former long-term volunteer at the HRC, who speaks of the evolution of the McAllen border in her lifetime, as well as federal authority over McAllen and the HRC to process asylees. We dissect how this power dynamic produces a highly violent, detention-dominant immigration landscape in the Rio Grande Valley (RGV), antithetical to the practiced intersectional culture of voces locales. We reimagine how the US responds to asylum seekers by offering a community action-based framework, where these pluralistic perspectives are equitably valued. Based on interactions and conversations had with each group, we advocate a paradigm shift reflective of La Frontera’s (The Border’s) intersectional identity. This can be achieved by prioritizing voces locales and building capacity for the humanitarian sector, which is already doing critical work at the southern border. We look to contemporary movements like “Defund the Police” as examples, where divesting from the status-quo system of oppression can nurture reparative justice and empowerment to the RGV. In reimagining a more adaptive, asylum justice-oriented paradigm shift, we also recognize the need to abandon the government-controlled deterrence paradigm, which repeatedly causes tremendous harm.

Author(s):  
V. M. Mukhanov

The article attempts to analyze the current situation in Transcaucasia and identify the main actors, factors of influence and forces that shape the processes of domestic development in a number of republics of the region. The author comes to the conclusion that the region is in a state of “cooldown”, after 25 years of almost continual instability which, in turn, was a source of numerous internal conflicts. However, broad analysis of internal situation in the states of Transcaucasia with the inclusion of foreign influences shows a more complex landscape. Major players, such as the US and Russia, avoid increasing their presence in the region, which opens a wideWINDOW of opportunities for regional powers, such as Turkey and Iran. Against the background of decreasing interest in Transcaucasia by the world leaders, the region is returning to its historical status as a periphery. This process is characterized by a reduction in the influence of foreign actors and a rise in the role of the factors that cause general instability. These include, first and foremost, unresolved conflicts, unstable political, social and economic situation at home and specific political behaviors displayed by local elites. The April war of 2016 in Nagorno-Karabakh indicates a violation of the status quo and may lead to a high probability of new clashes in the conflict zone. The war highlighted a complex set of problems faced by Armenia and Azerbaijan in recent years. In both countries, against a backdrop of degrading economies, there is a growing split between the government and the society, as well as tensions within the elites. Similar processes are on the rise in Georgia. The situation in Abkhazia and South Ossetia is somewhat different, as the two countries could be classified as periphery to a periphery, and thus are developing in isolation from the common Caucasian agenda. Nevertheless, these countries also show a complex set of internal contradictions which tend to break out from time to time. This is symptomatic of a serious challenge facing the region. The countries that emerged on the other side of the Caucasus Mountains since 1991 are still searching for optimal models of national development.


Significance Trump declared the emergency to access funding to build his campaign-pledged US-Mexico border security barrier. Impacts Trump’s base will welcome his continuing commitment to building the US-Mexico border wall. Democrats might need to offer Trump more wall-building money to avoid the risk that the courts side with him. Greater use of emergencies would destabilise policymaking; private firms would face higher risks supplying the government. Trump wants to work with Democrats on major immigration reform; success is possible but pre-2020, time and goodwill are limited.


2015 ◽  
Vol 48 (04) ◽  
pp. 573-578
Author(s):  
Joyce E. Berg ◽  
Christopher E. Penney ◽  
Thomas A. Rietz

ABSTRACTUsing the Iowa Electronic Markets (IEM), this article assesses the political impact of several important events during the fall of 2013: the US government shutdown, the Senate elimination of filibusters for presidential nominations (i.e., the “nuclear option”), and the implementation of the Patient Protection and Affordable Care Act (i.e., ObamaCare). Did these events have meaningful effects on congressional control prospects in the 2014 election? According to IEM price changes, Republican chances fell dramatically when the government shut down, and they did not recover on resolution. Eliminating filibusters had a negative impact on Democratic chances. Various aspects of the ObamaCare rollout and reporting, as well as new announcements that incumbents would not run for reelection, had little effect. In contrast, the budget resolution reinforced the status quo. Overall, political rhetoric does not appear to affect congressional control prospects. Instead, actions matter: deliberate partisan actions of Congress adversely affect the initiating party’s prospects, whereas bipartisan initiatives help the party that initiates the bipartisan effort.


2019 ◽  
Vol 22 (9) ◽  
pp. 1080-1095 ◽  
Author(s):  
Stephanie A. Meyers ◽  
Laramie R. Smith ◽  
Maria Luisa Mittal ◽  
Steffanie A. Strathdee ◽  
Richard S. Garfein ◽  
...  

2017 ◽  
Author(s):  
Wesley Flannery ◽  
Noel Healy ◽  
Marcos Luna

Marine Spatial Planning (MSP) offers the possibility of democratising management of the seas. MSP is, however, increasingly implemented as a form of post-political planning, dominated by the logic of neoliberalism, and a belief in the capacity of managerial-technological apparatuses to address complex socio-political problems, with little attention paid to issues of power and inequality. There is growing concern that MSP is not facilitating a paradigm shift towards publicly engaged marine management, and that it may simply repackage power dynamics in the rhetoric of participation to legitimise the agendas of dominant actors. This raises questions about the legitimacy and inclusivity of participatory MSP. Research on stakeholder engagement within MSP has predominately focused on assessing experiences of active MSP participants and has not evaluated the democratic or inclusive nature of these processes. Adopting the Northeast Ocean Planning initiative in the US as a case study, this paper provides the first study of exclusion and non-participation of stakeholders in an MSP process. Three major issues are found to have had an impact on exclusion and non-participation: poor communication and a perception that the process was deliberately exclusionary; issues arising from fragmented governance, territorialisation and scale; and lack of specificity regarding benefits or losses that might accrue from the process. To be effective, participatory MSP practice must: develop mechanisms that recognise the complexity of socio-spatial relationships in the marine environment; facilitate participation in meaningful spatial decision-making, rather than in post-ideological, objective-setting processes; and create space for debate about the very purpose of MSP processes.


Significance President Donald Trump wants to use DHS money to build a wall on the US-Mexico border to improve security and tackle crime. Yet Democrats say a wall is ineffective and ‘immoral’, partly as they disagree with Trump that there is any border crime or security crisis or emergency. This disagreement caused the longest federal government shutdown in history (35 days), which ended when Trump signed a Continuing Resolution to fund the government to midnight on February 15-16. Impacts Federal workers (but not contractors) will be fully reimbursed, benefitting consumption, and social spending will resume. Recently re-elected House Speaker Nancy Pelosi’s leadership acumen will be further boosted among House Democrats. Trump will likely give his State of the Union Address to Congress on February 5, where he can bolster his political capital.


Urban Studies ◽  
2021 ◽  
pp. 004209802110038
Author(s):  
Jennie Gamlin

The manner in which urban locations are drawn into the global economy defines their spatial organisation, distribution and utilisation. The relationships that are generated by this process include economic exchanges, racialised dynamics between workers and owners, gendered divisions of labour and the use and abuse of natural resources and infrastructure. These encounters of globalisation are often unequal or awkward and mediated by varying forms of violence, from structural to interpersonal, as these are used to rebalance the terms on which they meet. Using coloniality as an analytical tool, this article discusses the delicate balance of these Western-led encounters. Globalisation has become colonial by embedding hierarchical relationships in the foundations of the modern political economy. Gender identities, whiteness and non-whiteness, developed and underdeveloped are continually redefined, stigmatising certain groups and locations while elevating others on the basis of colonial power dynamics. Through a case study of the US–Mexico border city of Juárez, this article examines ethnographic work in its global context to explore how shame has become attached to male identities in locations of urban marginality. Theorising around the coloniality of urban space production, I discuss how Juárez’s border location has shaped its development though gendered and racialised frictions that are kept in check with violence. A coloniality perspective enables the unpicking of dominant conceptions of industrial cities in the Global South as metonyms for underdevelopment. Using the concept of edgework, I draw out how violence oils the wheels of globalisation to renegotiate damaged identities in contexts of territorial stigma.


Author(s):  
Roberto Alvarez

I utilize my situated position as anthropologist, academician, and citizen to argue not only that we should “think” California, but also that we should “rethink” our state—both its condition and its social cartography. To be clear, I see all my research and endeavors—my research on the US/Mexico border; my time among the markets and entrepreneurs I have worked and lived with; my focus on those places in which I was raised: Lemon Grove, Logan Heights; the family network and my community ethnographic work—as personal. I am in this academic game and the telling of our story because it is personal. When Lemon Grove was segregated, it was about my family; when Logan Heights was split by the construction of Interstate 5 and threatened by police surveillance, it was about our community; when the border was sanctioned and militarized it again was about the communities of which I am a part. A rethinking California is rooted in the experience of living California, of knowing and feeling the condition and the struggles we are experiencing and the crises we have gone through. We need to rethink California, especially the current failure of the state. This too is ultimately personal, because it affects each and every one of us, especially those historically unrepresented folks who have endured over the decades.


Author(s):  
Ramnik Kaur

E-governance is a paradigm shift over the traditional approaches in Public Administration which means rendering of government services and information to the public by using electronic means. In the past decades, service quality and responsiveness of the government towards the citizens were least important but with the approach of E-Government the government activities are now well dealt. This paper withdraws experiences from various studies from different countries and projects facing similar challenges which need to be consigned for the successful implementation of e-governance projects. Developing countries like India face poverty and illiteracy as a major obstacle in any form of development which makes it difficult for its government to provide e-services to its people conveniently and fast. It also suggests few suggestions to cope up with the challenges faced while implementing e-projects in India.


2018 ◽  
Vol 12 (2) ◽  
pp. 313-328
Author(s):  
Fathul Aminudin Aziz

Fines are sanctions or punishments that are applied in the form of the obligation to pay a sum of money imposed on the denial of a number of agreements previously agreed upon. There is debate over the status of fines in Islamic law. Some argue that fines may not be used, and some argue that they may be used. In the context of fines for delays in payment of taxes, in fiqh law it can be analogous to ta'zir bi al-tamlīk (punishment for ownership). This can be justified if the tax obligations have met the requirements. Whereas according to Islamic teachings, fines can be categorized as acts in order to obey government orders as taught in the hadith, and in order to contribute to the realization of mutual benefit in the life of the state. As for the amount of the fine, the government cannot arbitrarily determine fines that are too large to burden the people. Penalties are applied as a message of reprimand and as a means to cover the lack of the state budget.


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