scholarly journals Mulheres na diplomacia brasileira / Women in brazilian diplomacy

2018 ◽  
Vol 45 (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
Gabriela Soares Balestero
Keyword(s):  
Decision Making ◽  
Latin America ◽  
International Relations ◽  
Domestic Sphere ◽  
Political Field ◽  
Participation Of Women ◽  
The Feminine ◽  
New Ideas ◽  
The Media ◽  
America Latina

Resumo: A participação de mulheres na política externa e nos espaços de decisão transnacionais precisa ser discutida, visto que, em um mundo no qual as injustiças e lutas por igualdade não se restringem apenas ao âmbito doméstico, a participação paritária e representativa das mulheres nos espaços internacionais é uma exigência para o avanço da promoção da igualdade de gênero e da quebra da estrutura patriarcal dominante que reproduz as relações de dominação. Assim, a presente pesquisa tentará contextualizar essas novas ideias em um cenário que, acredita-se, esteja se tornando mais favorável à aceitação e ascensão femininas nos meios ligados às relações internacionais, especialmente na América Latina, tendo como reflexo o aumento do acesso de mulheres às carreiras e áreas predominantemente masculinas. A proposta é analisar teoricamente uma política que traduza as ideias de democracia e inclusão voltadas para o acesso e preservação da ascensão feminina no campo político internacional, trazendo alguns questionamentos e complexidades da própria luta pelo poder em paridade à figura masculina. Abstract: The participation of women in foreign policy and in transnational decision-making spaces needs to be discussed, since, in a world in which injustices and struggles for equality are not restricted to the domestic sphere, women's equal and representative participation in international spaces is a demand for the advancement of the promotion of gender equality and the breaking of the dominant patriarchal structure that reproduces the relations of domination. Thus, the present research will attempt to contextualize these new ideas in a scenario that is believed to be becoming more favorable to women's acceptance and ascension in the media related to international relations, especially in Latin America, reflecting the increase in women's access careers and predominantly male areas. The proposal is to analyze theoretically a policy that translates the ideas of democracy and inclusion aimed at accessing and preserving the feminine ascent in the international political field, bringing some questions and complexities of the struggle for power in parity to the male figure.

políticas externas do Brasil e do México para a América Latina: do Grupo de Contadora ao Grupo do Rio

2020 ◽  
Vol 9 (2) ◽  
pp. 330-347
Author(s):  
Hugo Agra
Keyword(s):  
Latin America ◽  
International Relations ◽  
Central America ◽  
Support Group ◽  
Brazilian Literature ◽  
Secondary Sources ◽  
Foreign Policies ◽  
The Face ◽  
The Creation ◽  
America Latina

O artigo analisa um tema pouco abordado na literatura brasileira de relações internacionais: a atuação das políticas externas do Brasil e do México para a criação do Grupo de Contadora (1983), Grupo de Apoio à Contadora (1985) e do Grupo do Rio (1987). Esses grupos tiveram papéis importantes nas tentativas de estabilização dos problemas políticos, econômicos e sociais da América Central a partir dos anos 1980. O artigo está dividido em quatro partes: i) compreensão da criação do Grupo de Contadora, do Grupo de Apoio à Contadora e a atuação do Brasil e do México, ii) destaque aos principais objetivos desses dois grupos, iii) explica o “dilema” das políticas externas do Brasil e do México diante das ações estadunidenses para a América Central e iv) e descreve a criação e os objetivos do Grupo do Rio. Por meio de uma pesquisa explicativa, onde é fundamental reunir informações sobre vários assuntos para entender de forma mais abrangente um tema específico, o artigo faz uso de fontes secundárias que analisam as relações internacionais da América Latina e os processos decisórios das políticas externas do Brasil e do México na década de 1980, além de algumas fontes primárias, como documentos oficiais dos acordos celebrados e declarações presidenciais disponíveis em arquivos dos sites eletrônicos da presidência ou chancelaria dos países. Conclui-se mostrando que os dois países foram fundamentais para o processo de estabilização política, principalmente na região centro-americana, não só pela importância histórica, política e econômica de cada um, mas também pelo fato de que a formação desses grupos foram importantes para dirimir litígios, acelerar a resolução de conflitos entre os países do continente, além de ter sido um período de aproximação e fortalecimento da relação bilateral Brasil-México.         ABSTRACT: The article analyzes a theme little addressed in the Brazilian literature of international relations: the performance of the foreign policies of Brazil and Mexico for the creation of the Contadora Group (1983), the Contadora Support Group (1985) and the Rio Group (1987). These groups played important roles in attempts to stabilize the political, economic and social problems of Central America from the 1980s onwards. The article is divided into four parts: i) an understanding of the creation of the Contadora Group, the Contadora Support Group and the actions of Brazil and Mexico, ii) highlighting the main objectives of these two groups, iii) explaining the "dilemma" of the foreign policies of Brazil and Mexico in the face of US actions for Central America, and iv) describing the creation and objectives of the Rio Group. By means of an explanatory survey, where it is essential to gather information on various subjects in order to understand more comprehensively a specific theme, the article makes use of secondary sources that analyze the international relations of Latin America and the decision-making processes of the foreign policies of Brazil and Mexico in the 1980s, in addition to some primary sources, such as official documents of the agreements signed and presidential declarations available on the archives of the electronic sites of the presidency or chancellery of the countries. It concludes by showing that both countries were fundamental to the process of political stabilization, especially in the Central American region, not only because of their historical, political and economic importance, but also because the formation of these groups was important to settle disputes, accelerate the resolution of conflicts between the countries of the continent, and was a period of rapprochement and strengthening of the bilateral relationship between Brazil and Mexico. Keywords: International Relations; Latin America; Contadora Group; Rio Group.       Aprovado em: setembro/2019. Recebido em: agosto/2020.

scholarly journals Causas de la participación de la mujer en la guerrilla de América Latina

1970 ◽  
Vol 26 ◽  
pp. 105-122
Author(s):  
Magdalena Śniadecka-Kotarska
Keyword(s):  
Latin America ◽  
20Th Century ◽  
Latin American ◽  
Political Transformation ◽  
Armed Struggle ◽  
Short Summary ◽  
Participation Of Women ◽  
The Social ◽  
Militant Groups ◽  
America Latina

The article was originally published without an abstract, short summary by Michal Gilewski The article studies what is causing women to join guerillas in Latin America. The participation of women in such militant groups started with the leftist guerillas of the second half of the 20th century. The article describes different backgrounds and different reasons for the women to join armed struggle groups. It also describes how women functioned in the social, ideological and biological dimensions of guerillas. Śniadecka-Kotarska suggests that, although the guerilla movement failed to achieve its goals of socio-political transformation of Latin American societies, it made an important contribution to the emancipation of women in these societies.  

scholarly journals Mecanismos de representación política en las democracias latinoamericanas: las cuotas electorales de género

2016 ◽  
Vol 3 (1) ◽  
pp. 39
Author(s):  
Roberto Álvarez San Martín
Keyword(s):  
Latin America ◽  
Costa Rica ◽  
Political Participation ◽  
Latin American ◽  
Political Representation ◽  
The Political ◽  
Gender Quotas ◽  
Participation Of Women ◽  
Las Mujeres ◽  
America Latina

Resumen: A partir de cifras y hechos planteados por PNUD, CEPAL, FLACSO Chile e INSTRAW sobre la participación política de las mujeres, se realiza una revisión de los debates, aplicaciones y efectos de las cuotas electorales de género en América latina. Se toman en cuenta las diferentes barreras que deben sortear las mujeres en la arena política, y se analizan la definición, alcances y argumentos en pro y en contra de las cuotas electorales de género. Se analiza este mecanismo a partir de los casos de Argentina y Costa Rica, los más exitosos en términos de resultados; mientras México evidencia el impacto incremental de las cuotas en la representación femenina, Perú pone en evidencia la influencia de la fuerte tradición presidencialista. Brasil es un caso paradigmático, que representaría el fracaso de las cuotas de género. Se concluye que, salvo Argentina, las otras democracias sólo han podido acelerar el proceso de inclusión real de mujeres en los procesos eleccionarios, pero sin que los resultados sean realmente compatibles con lo esperado. Las mujeres latinoamericanas, con cuotas o sin ellas, siguen estando sub-representadas en los espacios de participación política.Palabras clave: Participación política femenina, cuotas electorales de género, mecanismos de representación política.Abstract: On the basis of data and facts put forth by UN, CEPAL, FLACSO Chile e INSTRAW about the political participation of women, this article analyzes the debates about the application and effects of electoral gender quotas in Latin America. The barriers to women’s political participation are taken into account, analyzing the definition, reach and arguments for and against gender quotas. The cases of Argentina and Costa Rica, the most successful in results, are analyzed. While Mexico shows the increased impact of quotas, Peru makes evident the influence of the strong presidential tradition. Brazil is a paradigmatic case, representing the failure of gender quotes. In conclusion, save for Argentina, other democracies have only accelerated the process of women’s inclusion in election processes, but without results compatible with expectations. Latin American women, with out without quotas, are underrepresented in the spaces of political participation.Key words: feminine political participation, electoral gender quotas, mechanisms of political representation.

scholarly journals JuanGa/Aguilera: una figuración "queer" del "homosexual" en América Latina = JuanGa/Aguilera: A Queer Figuration of the “Homosexual” in Latin America

2019 ◽  
Vol 4 (1) ◽  
pp. 122
Author(s):  
Julio César Díaz Calderón
Keyword(s):  
Latin America ◽  
International Relations ◽  
Latin American ◽  
Queer Studies ◽  
Nation State ◽  
The Third ◽  
America Latina ◽  
New Research ◽  
Modern Nation State

Resumen. Este artículo presenta un estudio de las figuraciones del “homosexual” en América Latina. Se inspira en el trabajo de Cynthia Weber sobre teoría queer en Relaciones In­ternacionales y en el análisis latinoamericano queer de Carlos Figari. Se propone una manera plural de contestar a tres interrogantes: ¿quién es el “homosexual” en América Latina?, ¿qué es el Estado-nación moderno que se presupone “soberano”? y ¿cómo el “homosexual” participa en la construcción del Estado-nación “soberano”? Las dos primeras preguntas no se contestan, pero se explora su potencial para los estudios “queer” y de Relaciones Internacionales.Para contestar la tercera pregunta se introduce una figuración plural del “homosexual” que rompe con la dicotomía entre normal y perverso en el contexto latinoamericano: Juan­Ga/Aguilera. Se justifica por qué JuanGa/Aguilera crea un Estado-nación soberano plural que complica (quizá hasta hace imposibles) las nociones tradicionales dicotómicas de soberanía. Se utiliza este resultado para dar una serie de perspectivas de investigación que abre el en­tendimiento de las figuraciones plurales como hombre soberano, tanto en los estudios lati­noamericanos de teoría queer como en los de Relaciones Internacionales.Palabras clave: Queer, Relaciones Internacionales, sexualidad, homosexualidad, sober­anía, política internacional.Abstract. This article presents a study about Latin American figurations of the “homo­sexual”. It was inspired by the work of Cynthia Weber in Queer International Relations (Queer IR) and the Latin American Queer analysis of Carlos Figari. It proposes a new pluralistic way to answer to three interrogatives: who is the “homosexual” in Latin America?, what is the modern nation-state that is assumed to be “sovereign”? and, how does the “homosexual” participates in the construction of the “sovereign” nation-state? The first two questions are not answered, rather they are explored for their potential to produce new insights to Queer and IR theories.To answer the third question, it will be introduced a new plural figuration of the “homo­sexual” that breaks apart with the either normal or perverse dichotomy: JuanGa/Aguilera. It is justified why JuanGa/Aguilera creates a plural “sovereign” nation state that makes more difficult (even impossible) to sustain traditional binary understandings of sovereign. This last result will be used to give new research possibilities that can be achieved in Latin American Queer Studies and International Relations through the understanding of plural figurations of sovereign man.Keywords: queer, International Relations, sexuality, homosexuality, sovereignty, inter­national politics.

scholarly journals La dictadora en La dama de cristal, de Zelmar Acevedo Díaz

LETRAS ◽  
2014 ◽  
pp. 77-86
Author(s):  
Elizabeth Abigail Sampson
Keyword(s):  
Latin America ◽  
Latin American ◽  
Gabriel Garcia Marquez ◽  
Mario Vargas Llosa ◽  
Literary Representation ◽  
Distinctive Features ◽  
The Feminine ◽  
America Latina ◽  
Fiesta Del Chivo

El estudio aborda el tema de la dictadora en La dama de cristal (1999), de Zelmar Acevedo Díaz (Argentina, 1951). Se comparan con otras novelas sobre el mismo tema y se examinan coincidencias o disparidades entre la representación literaria femenina y masculina del autoritarismo. La dictadura latinoamericana como fenómeno político ha persistido en América Latina con diferentes matices ideológicos. Gabriel García Márquez en El otoño del patriarca, Mario Vargas Llosa en La fiesta del Chivo o Luis Spota en El tiempo de la ira tratan este hecho para perfilar sus rasgos distintivos. Existe un caso particular en que el autoritarismo lo encarna una mujer. This study focuses on the theme of female dictator in La dama de cristal (1999), by Zelmar Acevedo Díaz (Argentina, 1951). It is compared with other novels on the same theme and an analysis is carried out of coincidences or disparities between the feminine and masculine literary representation of authoritarianism. Latin American dictatorships are a political phenomenon that has persisted in Latin America with different ideological tones. Gabriel García Márquez in El otoño del patriarca; Mario Vargas Llosa in La fiesta del Chivo or Luis Spota in El tiempo de la ira have approached this issue to profile its distinctive features. There is one particular case of a female dictator.

scholarly journals When Media Education is State Policy

Comunicar ◽  
2009 ◽  
Vol 16 (32) ◽  
pp. 131-138 ◽  
Author(s):  
Roxana Morduchowicz
Keyword(s):  
Public Policy ◽  
Latin America ◽  
21St Century ◽  
State Policy ◽  
Media Education ◽  
Politica Publica ◽  
The Media ◽  
America Latina ◽  
Medios De Comunicacion

One of the specific challenges faced by media education in Latin America is to narrow the divide and promote more equitable, fairer access to cultural and technological commodities among youth from the poorest families. Although the obstacles are more than a few and the challenges are by no means negligible, the first step toward facing them is to insert Media Education as a public policy, as State policy. Fortunately, we have always had teachers who have used the media and taught others to analyze, interpret and use them creatively. The idea, when Media Education becomes part of public policy, is to move beyond individual initiative and turn these private efforts into a State commitment. This is the only way to overcome the huge obstacles and materialize the major challenges posed by media education in the 21st century. Uno de los desafíos específicos que tiene la educación para los medios en América Latina es disminuir las brechas y promover un acceso más equitativo y justo a los bienes culturales y tecnológicos entre los jóvenes que provienen de familias más pobres. Aun cuando los obstáculos no son pocos y los desafíos no son menores, el primer paso para lograrlos es insertar la educación para los medios como una política pública, una política de Estado. Docentes que han utilizado los medios de comunicación y que han enseñado a analizarlos, interpretarlos y utilizarlos crea tivamente, ha habido –afortunadamente– siempre. La idea cuando la educación para los me dios forma parte de una política pública– es superar los voluntarismos individuales y convertir estos esfuerzos particulares en un compromiso de Estado. Éste es el único camino que puede conducir a superar los enormes obstáculos y a concretar los grandes desafíos que propone una educación para los medios en el siglo XXI.

scholarly journals Dramatismo de las periferias espontáneas - Latinoamérica: un desafío para el desarrollo urbano sustentable.

2014 ◽  
Vol 1 ◽  
pp. 77-88
Author(s):  
Alejandro Jesús Guerrero Torrenegra
Keyword(s):  
Latin America ◽  
Human Behavior ◽  
Uncertainty Principle ◽  
Social Planning ◽  
Environmental Aspects ◽  
Sustainable Solutions ◽  
New Ideas ◽  
Social Balance ◽  
America Latina ◽  
The City

Resumen: Las periferias de América Latina se caracterizan por sus genes tipológicos informales (invasiones) que identifican la urbanización de la pobreza y que se transforman en territorio insostenible. El objetivo principal de estudio, analizar las características de las periferias internas informales latinoamericanas en un escenario marcado por las ciudades difusas, que al menos nos disponga ante algunos aspectos que afectan a las sociedades del siglo XXI. La investigación es descriptiva y analítica, sigue pautas holísticas, que reflejan el comportamiento del hombre, el estado real del territorio, la teoría del principio de incertidumbre, del caos, aporta nuevas ideas para el mejoramiento o coacción de los aspectos urbanos y ambientales. La ciudad de Medellín es el territorio escogido para investigar las características de los asentamientos espontáneos. El resultado nos originó otra manera de aproximación al problema, dejando de lado las soluciones basadas en el equilibrio social (igualdad) y en el orden (control), para transformarlas en territorios sustentables. ___Palabras clave: Ciudad difusa, mestizaje, globalización, periferias espontáneas, urbanismo social. ___Abstract: The peripheries of Latin America are characterized by informal - typological invasions genes that identify the urbanization of poverty that become unsustainable territory. The main objective: to analyze the characteristics of the Latin America informal internal peripheries in a scenario marked by diffuse cities, which at least provided us with some aspects affecting the XXI century. The research is descriptive and analytical, following holistic patterns that reflect human behavior, the actual status of the territory, the theory of the uncertainty principle, chaos, bringing new ideas to improve or coercion of urban and environmental aspects. The city of Medellín, is the territory chosen to investigate the characteristics of informal settlements. The result caused us another way of approaching the problem, aside based on social balance (equality) and order (check) to turn them into sustainable solutions territories. ___Keywords: Fuzzy City, miscegenation, globalization, spontaneous peripheries, social planning. ___Recibido agosto 20 de 2014 / Aceptado octubre 6 de 2014

scholarly journals Brechas de género en las mujeres (Gender breeches in working women classes)

2013 ◽  
Vol 7 (3) ◽  
pp. 7
Author(s):  
Nalda Arias Cascante ◽  
Shirley León Jiménez
Keyword(s):  
Decision Making ◽  
Latin America ◽  
Structural Changes ◽  
Working Women ◽  
New Findings ◽  
Toma De Decisiones ◽  
Las Mujeres ◽  
America Latina ◽  
Analytical Category

<p>El presente artículo pretende ofrecer una reflexión<br />sobre el papel de la mujer trabajadora en América Latina<br />y Europa, orientada al cambio y a la toma de decisiones,<br />por medio de la metodología cualitativa (Taylor y<br />Bogdan, 1986), basada en el paradigma interpretativo,<br />cuyo fin es comprender e interpretar, mediante el análisis<br />documental consultado sobre esta relevante temática,<br />una serie de elementos en su comprensión.El abordaje<br />de la temática de la mujer trabajadora comprende<br />muchas aristas, por lo que utilizaremos la perspectiva<br />de género, con lo que se pretende mostrar cómo se complejiza<br />y transforma en una categoría de análisis para<br />pensar/repensar y transformar las relaciones sociales entre<br />los sexos que aún pugnan en el ámbito de la organización<br />social y cultural actuales. Asimismo, se aportan<br />los hallazgos encontrados sobre esta temática, los cuales<br />permitirán ampliar el campo de investigación y brindar<br />nuevos elementos para plantear cambios estructurales<br />profundos que den paso al rompimiento de los viejos<br />paradigmas patriarcales.</p><p> </p><p><strong>Abstract</strong></p><p>This article calls for a consideration of the role of<br />working women in Latin America and Europe, oriented<br />towards change and decision making using a qualitative<br />methodology (Taylor and Bogdan, 1987) based on<br />interpretative paradigm and whose objective is to comprehend<br />and interpret a series of elements of this topic<br />through an analysis of documented research.<br />The approach of the working woman’s topic can<br />be done from several angles, so we will use a gender<br />perspective to show how it becomes an analytical category<br />to think, rethink and transform the gender<br />relations still present in current social and cultural<br />organizations. Also, new findings on this subject are<br />presented that will allow broaden the investigation field<br />and propose deep structural changes to break old patriarchal<br />paradigms.</p>

scholarly journals As relações entre Brasil e Cuba: das vantagens econômicas à retração política

2018 ◽  
Vol 6 (3) ◽  
pp. 468-490
Author(s):  
Regiane Nitsch Bressan
Keyword(s):  
Foreign Policy ◽  
Latin America ◽  
International Relations ◽  
Key Words ◽  
Latin American ◽  
Bilateral Trade ◽  
Health Sector ◽  
Bilateral Relations ◽  
America Latina ◽  
Political Economic

O trabalho apresenta a evolução da relação bilateral entre Brasil e Cuba entre 2008 e 2016, superando a distância entre os países. A política externa do governo de Lula foi propositiva às relações regionais, fomentou integração latino-americana a partir da CELAC, que inclui Cuba no diálogo regional, e efetuou aproximação política, econômica e ideológica entre os dois países. A política externa de Rousseff sucedeu-se em termos pragmáticos, assegurando ganhos a ambos os países. Entre eles: os investimentos brasileiros na modernização do Porto de Mariel e a construção da Zona Econômica; o crescimento singular do comércio bilateral e instalação de empresas brasileiras na ilha; além da cooperação na área da saúde, o recrutamento de 11.429 médicos para atuarem em áreas carentes do território brasileiro. A densidade e natureza pragmática desta relação foram fundamentais para a consolidação da política entre Brasil e Cuba, mas enfrenta entraves do governo de Michel Temer, cuja política externa é guinada aos países do Norte, sendo possível identificar retrocesso no empenho brasileiro nos projetos regionais, estremecendo as relações com os países latino-americanos, inclusive com Cuba. Palavras-Chaves: Brasil; Cuba; Relações Internacionais; América Latina.       Abstract: This paper gives an overview of the evolution of bilateral relations between Brazil and Cuba from 2008 to 2016, overcoming the distance that separates the countries. The foreign policy pursued by the Lula government (2003-2011) focused on strengthening regional relations and promoting Latin American integration through CELAC, which includes Cuba in the regional dialogue, and establishing political, economic and ideological links between the two countries. Rousseff's foreign policy continued on a pragmatic course, ensuring gains for both countries. Examples of this are the Brazilian investments in the Mariel seaport modernisation and Special Economic Zone project, the growth of bilateral trade, and the installation of Brazilian companies on the island. Furthermore, cooperation was established in the health sector, involving the recruitment of 11.429 Cuban physicians to work in underdeveloped regions of Brazil. The density and pragmatic nature of this relationship have been fundamental for the consolidation of the bilateral relations between Brazil and Cuba, but faces the constraints of the recent Temer government, whose foreign policy is more directed to the northern countries and a decrease in Brazil's commitment to regional relations and integration projects can be observed, including those with Cuba. Key words: Brazil; Cuba; International Relations; Latin America.     Recebido em: março/2017 Aprovado em: novembro/2017.

scholarly journals Poder Judicial, medios de comunicación y política: lawfare en Argentina

2020 ◽  
Vol 1 (2) ◽  
pp. 70
Author(s):  
Constanza Marianela Estepa ◽  
Marcelo Andrés Maisonnave
Keyword(s):  
Latin America ◽  
The State ◽  
The Political ◽  
Complex Issue ◽  
Media And Politics ◽  
Palabras Clave ◽  
The Media ◽  
America Latina ◽  
Political Dispute ◽  
Medios De Comunicacion

  El presente artículo participa de la discusión en torno al lawfare en América Latina, situación que es centro de intensos debates que exceden lo normativo, posicionándose como un tema complejo que atraviesa principalmente la geopolítica en la región. El trabajo toma el caso de Argentina en los últimos cinco años, para verificar la existencia del lawfare como una herramienta real en la disputa política en el país. Se analizan particularmente los cruces entre el poder judicial, los medios de comunicación y la política, en Argentina, que es en definitiva un eslabón de una situación histórica continental. Por último, se reflexiona sobre un posible momento refundacional en cuanto a la organización y construcción del Estado a partir de la pandemia del COVID - 19.   Palabras clave: lawfare, Poder Judicial, comunicación, Estado, política Argentina.   Abstract This article aims to participate in the discussion around lawfare in Latin America, a situation that is the center of intense debates that go beyond the normative, positioning itself as a complex issue that mainly crosses geopolitics in our region. The work takes the case of Argentina in the last five years, to verify the existence of lawfare as a real tool in the political dispute in the country. The intersections between the judiciary, the media and politics in Argentina, which is ultimately a link in a continental historical situation, are particularly analyzed. Finally, it is reflected whether or not we are in a refundational moment regarding the organization and construction of the State from the COVID - 19 pandemia.   Keywords: lawfare, Judiciary, communication, State, Argentina politics.

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