6. Staging Colonial Modernity: Hegemony, Fairs, and the Indonesian Middle Classes

2021 ◽  
pp. 175-204
2010 ◽  
Vol 45 (5) ◽  
pp. 1227-1259 ◽  
Author(s):  
SHASHI BHUSHAN UPADHYAY

AbstractThis paper argues that the concept of moral economy, formulated by E.P. Thompson and developed in Asian contexts by James Scott and Paul Greenough can be usefully employed to analyse the peasant narratives of Premchand, one of the greatest writers in Hindi-Urdu literatures. But such an application is possible only if the concept is expanded further. In Premchand's works related to peasantry we find several ideological currents. However, the idea of peasantry's own cultural resources in opposition to other social groups appears to be predominant in his later works. There is a sense of centrality of peasant culture which Premchand and some others among the Hindi literary intelligentsia came to acquire, and deployed for various purposes—against colonial regime, against the products of colonial modernity (e.g., factories, English schools, courts, medical profession), against the new urban middle classes and their culture, against urbanism as a whole and, sometimes, even against the Congress, the representative of organized nationalism. Distinct from both the everyday forms of resistance and open rebellion, Premchand visualizes a comprehensive peasant paradigm in opposition to colonialism, and urban middle-class perspectives.


2020 ◽  
Vol 9 (1) ◽  
pp. 26-45
Author(s):  
Sarah J. Adams

Despite their peripheral position in the Atlantic slave trade, authors of the late eighteenth-century German states composed a number of dramas that addressed imperialism and slavery. As Sigrid G. Köhler has argued (2018), these authors aimed to exert political leverage by grounding their plays in the international abolitionist debate. This article explores how a body of intellectual texts resonated in August von Kotzebue's bourgeois melodrama Die Negersklaven (1796). In a sentimental preface, he mentions diverse philosophical, historical and political sources that contributed to the dramatic plot and guaranteed his veracity. Looking specifically at the famous Histoire des deux Indes (1770) by Denis Diderot and Guillaume-Thomas F. Raynal, I will examine the ways in which Kotzebue adapted highbrow abolitionist discourses to the stage in order to convery an anti-slavery ideology to the white European middle classes. Kotzebue seems to ground abolitionism in the bourgeois realm by moulding political texts into specific generic templates such as an elaborate mise-en-scène, the separation and reunion of lost lovers, a fraternal conflict, and the representation of suffering victims and a compassionate white hero.


2020 ◽  
Vol 19 (1) ◽  
pp. 101-120
Author(s):  
Yousef M. Aljamal ◽  
Philipp O. Amour

There are some 700,000 Latin Americans of Palestinian origin, living in fourteen countries of South America. In particular, Palestinian diaspora communities have a considerable presence in Chile, Honduras, and El Salvador. Many members of these communities belong to the professional middle classes, a situation which enables them to play a prominent role in the political and economic life of their countries. The article explores the evolving attitudes of Latin American Palestinians towards the issue of Palestinian statehood. It shows the growing involvement of these communities in Palestinian affairs and their contribution in recent years towards the wide recognition of Palestinian rights — including the right to self-determination and statehood — in Latin America. But the political views of members of these communities also differ considerably about the form and substance of a Palestinian statehood and on the issue of a two-states versus one-state solution.


Author(s):  
R. R. Palmer

This chapter details events following the end of the Terror and the political and emotional crisis of the Year II. The question that a great many Frenchmen put to themselves both in France and in the emigration, and a question to which observers throughout Europe and America awaited the answer, was whether some kind of moderate or constitutional regime would be durably established. The next four years showed that constitutional quietude was still far away. The difficulty was that not everyone agreed on what either moderation or justice should consist in. Justice, for some, required the punishment of all revolutionaries and their sympathizers. For others, it meant a continuing battle against kings, priests, aristocrats, and the comfortable middle classes. Both groups saw in “moderation” a mere tactic of the opposition, and moderates as the dupes of the opposite extreme. Compromise for them meant the surrender of principle. It meant truckling with an enemy that could never be trusted, and had no real intention of compromise.


2011 ◽  
Vol 70 (2) ◽  
pp. 140-171
Author(s):  
Lode Wils

Onlangs werd het verslagboek 1919-1925 ontdekt van de Katholieke Vlaamse Landsbond. Dat was de bundeling van arrondissementele verbonden waarmee flaminganten onder de leiding van volksvertegenwoordiger Frans Van Cauwelaert in heel het Vlaamse land de katholieke partij in handen wilden nemen, om de Nederlandse eentaligheid van Vlaanderen aan de overheden op te leggen. Het zou duren tot 1936 vooraleer de partij in België officieel georganiseerd werd op federale basis, maar daardoor zou de KVL dan zijn betekenis verliezen.  Intussen was een belangrijk deel van de aanhang, vooral uit de intellectuele burgerij, overgestapt naar de nationalisten, hoewel de KVL zijn houding had geradicaliseerd om dat te voorkomen. De beroepsorganisaties van christelijke arbeiders, boeren en middenstanders waren de belangrijkste ondersteuners, waarmee de KVL intussen haar oorspronkelijk programma had kunnen doorvoeren.________The Catholic Flemish National UnionRecently the book including the minutes of the Catholic Flemish National Union (KVL) for 1919-1925 was discovered. The Catholic Flemish Nation Union was the gathering of the district-based unions that the supporters of the Flemish Movement under the leadership of Member of Parliament Frans Van Cauwelaert wanted to take over in order to impose Dutch on the authorities as the single language in Flanders. The party was not officially organised on a federal basis in Belgium until 1936, and for this reason the KVL would then lose its significance. Meanwhile a large number of its supporters, in particular those from the intellectual middle classes had transferred its allegiance to the nationalists, in spite of the fact that the KVL had radicalised its stance in order to prevent this. The professional associations of Christian workers, farmers and small businesses constituted the main supporters, with whom the KVL could have carried out its original programme.


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