scholarly journals EEA IN THE BREXIT’ SHADOW

2021 ◽  
Vol 23 (5) ◽  
pp. 92-99
Author(s):  
Lyudmila Babynina ◽  

The article analyzes the Brexit’s impact on the functioning of the European Economic Area (EEA). Brexit renewed interest to EEA format, as one of the options for future relations between the United Kingdom and the EU. But so close cooperation under the control of the Union did not meet the interests of Britain, which chose the greatest distance from EU rules and regulations. For nonEU EEA countries (Norway, Iceland, Liechtenstein) Brexit entailed a visible political and economic shake-up. First, the fact of the country’s exit from the EU and the tough position of the British government contributed to the growth of Eurosceptic rhetoric in the non-EU EEA countries. Secondly, in connection with the withdrawal of the UK from all structures of the European Union, these countries had a need to sign new trade and fisheries agreements. These processes were of the greatest impact for Norway, as the most significant player in the EEA, a non-EU member. Analyzing these processes, the author comes to the conclusion that Brexit did not have a significant impact on the functioning of the EEA, but increased interest in various external formats of integration. In addition, the domestic political discourse has become more acute regarding the possible revision of the format of relations with the EU, especially in Norway, which is largely due to national elections,

2017 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ulrich G. Schroeter ◽  
Heinrich Nemeczek

Until recently, the on-going legal discussions about ‘Brexit’, the United Kingdom’s upcoming withdrawal from the European Union (EU), have predominantly focused on the requirements and consequences of the withdrawal procedure set out in Article 50 of the Treaty on European Union (TEU). A hitherto neglected, though arguably no less important question concerns the effect, if any, that a withdrawal from the EU will have on the UK’s membership in the European Economic Area (EEA): Given that the EEA extends many aspects of EU membership beyond the EU’s borders, resulting in a Common Market ‘light’, a future UK membership in the EEA could – at least from a European business law point of view – effectively result in ‘business as usual’, as a significant share of EU law would continue to apply to UK companies, albeit in form of EEA law.Against this background, it is interesting to note that legal analyses of Brexit generally assume that the UK’s EEA membership will be terminated ipso iure, should the UK decide to withdraw from the EU. According to this view, the UK subsequently could (re-)apply for EEA membership should its government so choose, with such an application having to be accepted by all remaining EEA Contracting Parties – an option commonly referred to as the ‘Norway option’ in reference to Norway’s status within the EEA. The present article challenges the underlying (and often merely implicit) assumption that the UK’s withdrawal from the EU will automatically result in its withdrawal from the EEA, given that the EEA Agreement is a separate international treaty subject to separate legal rules governing withdrawals and effects of possible changes in EU membership. It argues that a withdrawal from the EU will in fact not affect the UK’s continuing EEA membership, as long as the UK does not voluntarily choose to also withdraw from the EEA. It then analyses the post-Brexit situation under the EEA Agreement by addressing its practical application to a number of different areas, as inter alia the free movement of UK companies within the EEA, the future of the ‘European passport’ for UK credit institutions and investment firms, as well as the free (but possibly restrictable) movement of workers in the EEA.


This book provides the first comprehensive analysis of the withdrawal agreement concluded between the United Kingdom and the European Union to create the legal framework for Brexit. Building on a prior volume, it overviews the process of Brexit negotiations that took place between the UK and the EU from 2017 to 2019. It also examines the key provisions of the Brexit deal, including the protection of citizens’ rights, the Irish border, and the financial settlement. Moreover, the book assesses the governance provisions on transition, decision-making and adjudication, and the prospects for future EU–UK trade relations. Finally, it reflects on the longer-term challenges that the implementation of the 2016 Brexit referendum poses for the UK territorial system, for British–Irish relations, as well as for the future of the EU beyond Brexit.


2018 ◽  
Vol 33 (2) ◽  
pp. 415-435 ◽  
Author(s):  
Elise Johansen

Abstract In the last several decades, the European Union (EU) has demonstrated its intention to play an important role in supporting Arctic cooperation and helping to meet the challenges now facing the region. Norway, one of the five Arctic coastal states, and the EU have cooperated closely in this regard, particularly through the Agreement on the European Economic Area (EEA Agreement). This article examines how Norway’s domestic legislation applicable to its Arctic marine areas has been influenced by the development of EU environmental legislation. Specifically, this paper provides a discussion and analysis of the relevant Norwegian laws and mechanisms used to regulate how EU environmental legislation has been incorporated into Norway’s domestic legislation through the EEA Agreement.


2018 ◽  
Vol 1 (1) ◽  
pp. 103-122 ◽  
Author(s):  
Tomasz Kubin

The exit of the United Kingdom from the European Union (so-called Brexit) is one of the most important events in the process of European integration. It has a lot of extremely remarkable implications – both for the EU and for the United Kingdom. Among other, Brexit will affect the security of the United Kingdom and the EU. The aim of the study is to answer the research question: how will Britain’s exit from the EU influence the EU common security and defence policy? In order to answer this question, the factors that are most relevant to the United Kingdom’s significance for the EU’s security and defence policy will be identified. This will show how the EU’s potential of the security and defence policy will change, when the UK leaves this organisation. The most important conclusions are included in the summary.


Author(s):  
Federico Fabbrini

This introductory chapter provides an overview of the Withdrawal Agreement of the United Kingdom (UK) from the European Union (EU). The Withdrawal Agreement, adopted on the basis of Article 50 Treaty on European Union (TEU), spells out the terms and conditions of the UK departure from the EU, including ground-breaking solutions to deal with the thorniest issues which emerged in the context of the withdrawal negotiations. Admittedly, the Withdrawal Agreement is only a part of the Brexit deal. The Agreement, in fact, is accompanied by a connected political declaration, which outlines the framework of future EU–UK relations. The chapter then offers a chronological summary of the process that led to the adoption of the Withdrawal Agreement, describing the crucial stages in the Brexit process — from the negotiations to the conclusion of a draft agreement and its rejection, to the extension and the participation of the UK to European Parliament (EP) elections, to the change of UK government and the ensuing constitutional crisis, to the new negotiations with the conclusion of a revised agreement, new extension, and new UK elections eventually leading to the departure of the UK from the EU.


2020 ◽  
pp. 15-26
Author(s):  
Mohammad El-Gendi

With the United Kingdom preparing to exit the European Union, the UK needs to create a clear case for why the UK should be the preferred place of business. Unclear, arbitrary and unprincipled laws and rulings may cause businesses to move to the EU post-Brexit. As such, it is necessary to reassess certain key case and areas of law in order to address their suitability for the new economic climate. The chosen area is company law, specifically piercing the corporate veil, which has someway yet to be ready to demonstrate the best case for UK business.


IG ◽  
2019 ◽  
Vol 42 (2) ◽  
pp. 83-96 ◽  
Author(s):  
Barbara Lippert

In this article, the author presents established models of association of the European Union (EU) with European third countries. She shows their different strategic perspectives, outlines benefits and problems, and examines the potential for developing these relations. Basically, these can go in the direction of expanding or dismantling partial sectoral integration. In addition, new basic forms of EU neighbourhood relations are discussed: the introduction of a new status of partial membership in the EU and - inspired by the European Economic Area - the creation of a European political and economic area.


2017 ◽  
Vol 22 (27) ◽  
Author(s):  
Cees C van den Wijngaard ◽  
Agnetha Hofhuis ◽  
Mariana Simões ◽  
Ente Rood ◽  
Wilfrid van Pelt ◽  
...  

Lyme borreliosis (LB) is the most prevalent tick-borne disease in Europe. Erythema migrans (EM), an early, localised skin rash, is its most common presentation. Dissemination of the bacteria can lead to more severe manifestations including skin, neurological, cardiac, musculoskeletal and ocular manifestations. Comparison of LB incidence rates in the European Union (EU)/European Economic Area (EEA) and Balkan countries are difficult in the absence of standardised surveillance and reporting procedures. We explored six surveillance scenarios for LB surveillance in the EU/EEA, based on the following key indicators: (i) erythema migrans, (ii) neuroborreliosis, (iii) all human LB manifestations, (iv) seroprevalence, (v) tick bites, and (vi) infected ticks and reservoir hosts. In our opinion, neuroborreliosis seems most feasible and useful as the standard key indicator, being one of the most frequent severe LB manifestations, with the possibility of a specific case definition. Additional surveillance with erythema migrans as key indicator would add value to the surveillance of neuroborreliosis and lead to a more complete picture of LB epidemiology in the EU/EEA. The other scenarios have less value as a basis for EU-level surveillance, but can be considered periodically and locally, as they could supply complementary insights.


BMJ Open ◽  
2020 ◽  
Vol 10 (7) ◽  
pp. e038670
Author(s):  
Linda Sturesson ◽  
Andreas Heiding ◽  
Daniel Olsson ◽  
Terese Stenfors

ObjectivesMigrant physicians (MPs) who wish to practise their profession in a new country often must undergo a recertification process, including a licensing exam. In many cases, this is the same licensing exam used for peers educated within the country; however, the pass rate of MPs is usually lower. This study aimed to explore MPs exam results, focusing on MPs that had participated in a complementary programme (CPP) for physicians with a medical degree from outside the European Union/European Economic Area (EU/EEA), and aspects that may influence these.MethodsMixed methods were applied. The data consisted of 2013 to 2019 licensing exam results of 564 physicians in Sweden that were educated outside of the EU. The data was analysed using linear and logistic regression analysis. Further, 14 interviews with MPs were conducted and thematically analysed.ResultsAn interaction between age and CPP participation was found for both the total score in per cent (p=0.01) and for the proportion failing their first attempt (p=0.04). Age was found to be a very strong predictor for failing on the first attempt, with those 45 and older failing on the first attempt in 72 and 82 per cent for CPP and non-CPP participants, respectively. Interview data was categorised into two themes: preparations and biographical aspects, and the exam and exam situation.ConclusionsAge seems to be an important predictor for failing the first attempt. MPs have had less time to familiarise themselves with the exam type and the language used on the exam. To improve exam results, MPs used different strategies and tools, that is, studying with nationally trained physicians, and using old exams and a web-based study tool consisting of common exam subjects. At the same time, these strategies and tools have also become mediators in the socialisation of MPs into the exam context.


2019 ◽  
Vol 3 (10) ◽  
pp. 129
Author(s):  
Bakhan Ako Najmalddin

The European Union is the most important development in European history since World War Two. Nothing else has had such a broad, deep, and lasting effect on the lives of Europeans. The topic of Europe has been a source of tension in the UK. The UK has long been one of the most skeptical and ambivalent members of the 28-country European Union (EU). The EU, the rest of Europe, allies around the world and the UK itself need to be prepared for the wider international implications of such a move. The approaching referendum on whether the United Kingdom should remain in or leave the European Union marks a defining moment for the country’s foreign relations. In addition to determining the UK’s future status in Europe, it will affect Britain’s ability to thrive in and help shape a rapidly changing world.


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