scholarly journals Genesis of the Study of War as a Political Phenomenon in Pre-Revolutionary Russia

Author(s):  
Vasily Belozerov ◽  

Introduction. The article explores the conceptualization of war as a political phenomenon in prerevolutionary Russia and presents its results for theory and practice. For this purpose, the article studies and interprets the origins of political ideas about war, the occurrence of political content in its scientific understanding, the emergence and development of various paradigms for its understanding as a political phenomenon and the conceptualization of Russia’s superior strategy. Methods and methodology. The research methodology is based on political realism and the recognition of war as an actual phenomenon. The choice of works for analysis stems from the connection of their content with political issues. The article studies political situations and processes that caused the enhancement of research into war as a political phenomenon. Analysis. The first political perceptions of the phenomenon of war began taking shape in Russia in the second half of the 17th century and they reveal an understanding of the link between war and politics. The formation of the knowledge system about war and military activities took place without political understanding and contained a significant element of borrowing from outside. In relation to the formation of the science of war, there was also a theoretical understanding of its political content. In the second third of the 19th century scientific discussions began, in which two approaches based on the decision to recognize the political content of war were formed. Eventually, an approach that essentially negates the primacy of political institutions prevailed in military science and in the education of military personnel, which had negative consequences for theory and practice. Results. The study of war as a political phenomenon in pre-revolutionary Russia formed dialectical and metaphysical approaches with the latter dominating and being followed by representatives of official military science. It can be stated that there is a problem of method in the study of war, which is manifested in modern conditions.

Author(s):  
Louay Safi

Intellectual debates and sociopolitical changes in Arab societies have brought about new political outlooks and consciousness, and have resulted in profound political change and restructuring of state institutions. Reform efforts successfully introduced modern political institutions, but failed in effecting a broad and systematic transformation of political culture, as the latter continues to be guided by notions and practices rooted in the premodern models of authoritarian (“sultanic”) governance. The drive to political reform under the rubric of Tanzimat started around the turn of the 19th century as a matter of necessity by both Ottoman rulers (sultans), and their governors in Egypt and Tunisia, in response to European imperial expansion into Africa and Asia. By mid-20th century, political institutions and state bureaucracies were restructured in the mold of modern political ideas. Yet these ideas, and the ethical foundations on which they stood, failed to mature in post-Ottoman Muslim societies. Conservative forces resisted the new ideas. With the increased disenchantment of Muslim youth with postcolonial states, conservative thinkers reintroduced Islamic notions and values into the debate over the proper form of government in contemporary Muslim societies. The push to modernize society has been intense, empowering Muslim modernists to move ahead to reshape societal institutions. The zeal to bring about quick development effected indeed rapid modernization but led to the rise of autocratic governments, and further polarized Muslims societies. Notions of popular sovereignty and equal citizenship were countered by the sovereignty of Shari`ah and the need for religious differentiation and religious autonomy, thereby demanding the revival of the historical institutions of caliphate and dhimmis. The debate gradually moved toward compromise, whereby Muslim intellectuals and scholars attempted a creative synthesis on the common ground found in both traditional Islam and modern democratic liberal ideas. The transformation into a model that aligns Islamic values with the principles of democracy (or shura) and equal rights of citizens, while profound and increasingly broad, is still incomplete, as current struggles in Muslim societies demonstrate; intellectual and practical battles for the soul of Muslim societies continue to rage. The push back in the last two decades against modern notions of state and citizenship, and the rise in popularity of groups that aim at reviving the premodern institution of caliphate underscore the debate between old and modern notions of political organization and allegiance, and require deeper understanding of the nature of the tensions between premodern and contemporary political ideas and institutions.


Author(s):  
Ben Cislaghi

How can we best empower people living in the most economically disadvantaged areas of the world to improve their lives in ways that matter to them? This book investigates work of the NGO Tostan as a working model of human development. The study is grounded in the ethnographic study of the actual change that happened in one West African village. The result is a powerful mix of theory and practice that questions existing approaches to development and that speaks to both development scholars and practitioners. Divided into three parts, the book firstly assesses why top-down approaches to education and development are unhelpful and offers a theoretical understanding of what constitutes helpful development. Part two examines Tostan's community-based participatory approach as an example of a helpful development intervention, and offers qualitative evidence of its effectiveness. Part three builds a model of how community-led development works, why it is helpful, and what practitioners can do to help people at the grassroots level lead their own human development.


2020 ◽  
Vol 2020 (10-4) ◽  
pp. 196-205
Author(s):  
Vadim Mikhailov ◽  
Konstantin Losev

The article is devoted to the issue of Church policy in relation to the Rusyn population of Austria-Hungary and the Russian Empire. In the second half of the 19th century, the policy of the Austro-Hungarian administration towards the Rusyn Uniate population of the Empire underwent changes. Russia’s victories in the wars of 1849 and 1877-1878 aroused the desire of the educated part of the Rusyns to return to the bosom of the Orthodox Church. Nevertheless, even during the World War I, when the Russian army captured part of the territories inhabited by Rusyns, the military and officials of the Russian Empire were too cautious about the issue of converting Uniates to Orthodoxy, which had obvious negative consequences both for the Rusyns, who were forced to choose a Ukrainophile orientation to protect their national and cultural identity, and for the future of Russia as the leader of the Slavic and Orthodox world.


Author(s):  
M.L. LEBEDEVA

The purpose of writing this article is to highlight the features of organization of the regional policy in France on the basis of the theoretical understanding of the concepts of regional policy, model of regional policy and policy analogy. The research topic is the content of the French policy of organizing a regional political space. The object of the research is the power technologies of regional policy. The systemstructural method, which considers political relations as an integral system of interconnections of phenomena and events of the political process, makes it possible to determine the main essential content of this research topic. Institutional approach involves the study of political institutions and their content. An analysis of Russian and foreign sources suggests that the main issue posed in the article is relevant at the present stage of development. The study is made possible on the basis of existing research. A comprehensive study of the conceptual theoretical characteristics of the regional policy as such allowed the author to identify the model and features of the political toolkit for the organization of thecenterregions relations in modern French Republic.


1983 ◽  
Vol 1 (4) ◽  
pp. 469-479 ◽  
Author(s):  
C Jensen-Butler

Analysis of the practice of planning is increasingly being used to develop planning theory, The papers by Roweis and Forester in the second issue of Environment and Planning D: Society and Space base analysis of planning practice on hermeneutic, linguistic, and phenomenological approaches, as an alternative to the technical -rational approach to planning theory, In the present paper, I argue that the approaches adopted by these two authors create more problems than they solve, and a critique of Roweis's and Forester's theoretical ideas is made, It is argued that these approaches rest upon idealist ontological assumptions, rendering explanation of qualitative change (development) impossible. Discussion of Giddens's concept of structuration and of the negative consequences for scientific explanation of Habermas's epistemological position is presented, as both approaches are used by Roweis and Forester. Criticism is also made of the separation of territorial relations from relations of substance. Finally, the serious consequences of their approaches for scientific and social practice are outlined. I conclude that this type of approach cannot provide a satisfactory basis for planning theory, and furthermore, that the approach is inherently conservative. Some ideas arc presented concerning planning theory based on materialist ontological foundations.


2021 ◽  
Vol 9 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Niklas Gudowsky

AbstractCurrent governance of science, technology and innovation (STI) faces tough challenges to meet demands arising from complex issues such as societal challenges or targets, e.g. the United Nations’ Sustainable Development Goals. For decades, scholars and civil society institutions have called for increased public participation in STI, and political institutions have been taking up the request to integrate engagement activities into their decision-making processes, at least in the form of consultations. Moving engagement in research and development further upstream makes early interventions and social shaping of technologies and innovation possible. Since research has also faced repeated requests towards taking on more responsibility for solving societal problems, engagement processes thus help in shaping research. Here, the earliest point for possible engagement can be found within the constituting phase of research agendas as topics, general lines of enquiry and targets are shaped in this phase. These are the boundaries in between which researchers later navigate. This article serves as introduction to this journal’s topical collection on participatory agenda setting for research and innovation (PASE). It provides a review of the literature on theory and practice of PASE activities, summarises the topical collection’s contributions regarding current international cases and analyses respective PASE limits and benefits, thereby promoting its conceptual and practical understanding.


Author(s):  
Ángel Ruiz Pérez ◽  

Study of myths and motifs of classical antiquity in the poetry of some important Cuban poets of the 19th century (José María Heredia, Juan Clemente Zenea, Enrique José Varona Julián del Casal and especially José Martí). The importance of art as a subject and as a way of connecting with the ancient world and above all, the centrality of political issues are key aspects that explain the repeated presence of Prometheus and Laocoon


2017 ◽  
Vol 41 ◽  
pp. 156-174
Author(s):  
Dangiras Mačiulis

The images of the Grand Duchy of Lithuania and the Union of the Kingdom of Poland in Lithuanian collective memory (end of the 19th c. – 1940)Since the end of the 19th century the Lithuanian national movement created several narrations about national history, which presented a negative evaluation of the Grand Duchy of Lithuania and the Union of the Kingdom of Poland. Polonization of Lithuania was highlighted as the most negative consequence of these Unions.All unions formed under the Grand Duchy of Lithuania and the Union of the Kingdom of Poland got negative evaluation in the discourse of Lithuanian nationalism. However, the Union of Lublin was considered to be the greatest harm – it was evaluated as a fatal moment in the Lithuanian history giving rise to the processes of dangerous Lithuanian national ethnic identity loss. The Lithuanian national movement proclaimed cultural and political independence, and declared that the revival of historical ideal of the Unions’ national identity was unacceptable for the Lithuanian nation.When discussing the Lithuanians’ rights to political independence with the Polish public figures and reacting to ambitions of the Polish political figures to restore Poland with the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth national borders of 1772, in the Lithuanian press the image of two Unions (usually, the Union of Lublin) was presented as the symbol underlying the Lithuanian national political and cultural dependence. The image of the Union of Lublin was like an obligatory illustration of the Lithuanian nationalism discourse underlining the negative consequences of the union for the Lithuanian nation. It was the Union of Lublin that became the generalized image of all unions and the symbol of Lithuanian political, ethnic, cultural dependence, the memory location underlying the traumatic memory.The initiatives of the Polish public figures to actualize the memories about the unions caused the Lithuanians’ negative response and numerous discussions. A similar situation happened in 1913 when the Polish society mentioned the 500th anniversary of the Herald Union. The celebration of this anniversary was evaluated by Lithuanians as a Polish attempt to revive the political union ideal – as an attempt to make Lithuania a part of Poland. The debates of those times were used by the public figures of the Lithuanian national movement in order to emphasize the orientation of the Lithuanian national movement towards the cultural and political emancipation and underline that the Lithuanians do not accept any idea of state revival reasoned by historical unions.The image of unions in the interwar Lithuania of the 20th century was the most vivid in propagandist discourse during the fights for Lithuanian independence and when trying to restore the historical capital, Vilnius. This image was used as a rhetoric figure of propagandist discourse symbolizing the Lithuanian slavery and a threat of its dependence on Poland.  Obrazy unii między Wielkim Księstwem Litewskim a Królestwem Polskim w litewskiej pamięci zbiorowej (koniec XIX w. – 1940 r.)Od końca XIX w. litewski ruch narodowy tworzył narracje historyczne, w których unie między Wielkim Księstwem Litewskim (dalej WKL) a Królestwem Polskim oceniano negatywnie. Za największy negatywny skutek unii uznano polonizację Litwy.W litewskim dyskursie nacjonalistycznym negatywnie oceniono wszystkie unie zawarte między WKL a Królestwem Polskim, jednak jako największe zło traktowano unię lubelską – decydujący punkt w historii Litwy, od którego rozpoczął się groźny proces utraty tożsamości przez naród litewski. Litewski ruch narodowy głosił dążenie do wolności kulturowej i politycznej. Towarzyszyła temu deklaracja, że dla narodu litewskiego nie do przyjęcia jest odrodzenie historycznej unijnej idei państwowości.W toczącej się w prasie litewskiej dyskusji z polskimi działaczami społecznymi o prawach Litwinów do samodzielności politycznej oraz w reakcji na ambicje polskich działaczy społecznych przywrócenia państwowości Polski w granicach Rzeczpospolitej Obojga Narodów z 1772 r., obraz unii (najczęściej lubelskiej) pojawiał się jako symbol zależności politycznej i kulturowej narodu litewskiego. Wizja unii lubelskiej była obowiązkową ilustracją litewskiego dyskursu nacjonalistycznego, świadczącą o negatywnych skutkach unii dla Litwinów. To właśnie unia lubelska stała się uogólnionym obrazem wszystkich unii oraz symbolem niewoli politycznej, narodowej i kulturowej Litwinów, traumatycznym miejscem pamięci.Inicjatywy polskich działaczy, by przywrócić pamięć o uniach, wywoływały negatywną reakcję ze strony Litwinów i rodziły dyskusje. Tak się stało, na przykład, w 1913 r., gdy polskie społeczeństwo obchodziło jubileusz 500. rocznicy unii horodelskiej. Obchody te oceniono jako próbę Polaków ożywienia idei unii politycznej – dążenie do uczynienia z Litwy części Polski. Ówczesne dyskusje działacze litewskiego ruchu narodowego wykorzystali do tego, by podkreślić swoje dążenie do emancypacji kulturowej i politycznej oraz zaznaczenia, że Litwini nie akceptują żadnej idei odrodzenia państwowości, opartej na uniach historycznych.W okresie międzywojennym na Litwie obraz unii najbardziej był dostrzegalny w dyskursie propagandowym w okresie walk o niepodległość Litwy oraz w dążeniu do odzyskania historycznej stolicy Wilna. Obraz ten wykorzystano jako figurę retoryczną dyskursu propagandowego, symbolizującą niewolę Litwy i jej uzależnienie od Polski.


Kavkaz-forum ◽  
2020 ◽  
Author(s):  
Л.Б. ДЗАПАРОВА

Проблемы теории и практики художественного перевода как феномена межкультурной коммуникации в наше время актуализируются в современной филологической науке. Расширяется исследовательское поле в этой области научного знания для переводоведов и всех, кто интересуется проблемами диалога культур. Выбор темы исследования обусловлен и прошедшим в этом году 95-летим юбилеем известного осетинского поэта, драматурга, литературоведа Нафи Григорьевича Джусойты. В статье рассматривается вклад народного писателя Осетии в теоретическое осмысление проблем художественного перевода; впер­вые анализируется одно из самых сложных для перевода стихотворений А.С. Пушкина «Пророк» в интерпретации Н. Джусойты. В частности, автором в статье представлен анализ опубликованных Джусойты на страницах центральных литературных журналов дискуссионных работ по наиболее актуальным проблемам переводоведения. В них Джусойты фокусирует внимание на вопросах верности перевода оригиналу, повышения качества подстрочников, новаторства и модер­низации классических произведений; обуславливает важность переводческого чтения в процессе постижения оригинала; определяет специфику поэтического перевода; выступает против украшательства в переводе, демонстрации на всесоюзном уровне слабых оригиналов и несовершенных переводов. В целом, Джусойты, полемизируя с известными теоретиками, предлагает свою концепцию перевода, начиная от выбора произведения и до конечного результата – текста на другом языке. Перед нами круг проблем, которые до сих пор волнуют специалистов по художественно­му переводу. Автором статьи также представлен сравнительно-сопоставительный анализ стихотворения А. Пушкина в оригинале и в переводческой интерпретации Н.Г. Джусойты. Сличение текстов на смысловом уровне показало стремление Джусойты найти художественные средства, которые помогают раскрыть основной образ. Но не везде раскрыт двуплановый смысл, запечатленный в лексических единицах исходного языка. The problems of the theory and practice of literary translation as a phenomenon of intercultural communication are still actualized in modern philological science. The research field in this area of scientific knowledge is expanding for translators and those interested in the problems of the dialogue of cultures. The choice of the research topic was also conditioned by the 95th anniversary of the famous Ossetian poet, playwright, literary critic Nafi Grigorievich Jusoyty, celebrated this year. The article examines the contribution of the people’s writer of Ossetia to the theoretical understanding of the problems of literary translation; for the first time one of the most difficult poems for translation by A.S. Pushkin’s «Prophet» in the interpretation of N. Jusoyty is reviewed. In particular, the author in the article presents an analysis of the discussion papers published by Jusoyty on the pages of central literary journals on the most pressing problems of translation studies. In them, Jusoyty focuses on the issues of closeness to the original, improving the quality of interlinear translations, innovation and modernization of classical works; determines the importance of translation reading in the process of comprehending the original; determines the specifics of poetic translation; opposes embellishment in translation, the demonstration of weak originals and imperfect translations at the all-Union level. In general, Jusoyty, arguing with well-known theorists, offers his own concept of translation, starting from the choice of a work and up to the final result – a text in another language. We are faced with a range of problems that still concern specialists in literary translation. The author of the article also presents a comparative analysis of A. Pushkin’s poem in the original and in t/he translation interpretation of N.G. Jusoyty. Comparison of the texts at the semantic level showed Jusoyty’s desire to find close artistic means that help to reveal the main image. But not everywhere is disclosed the two-dimensional meaning embodied in the lexical units of the source language.


Author(s):  
Ryan E. Carlin

To understand Latin American politics, one must view it through the eyes and minds of Latin Americans. Since the middle of the 20th century, pollsters in academia, government, and industry have fielded public opinion surveys in an attempt to do just that. Although they are not typically considered political institutions, polls and surveys influence a variety of political processes directly and indirectly thanks to the legitimacy they enjoy among academics, policymakers, and publics. Large strides have been made toward making surveys more methodologically rigorous and toward improving the quality of survey data in the region. Scholars have leveraged the data to advance the theoretical understanding of a range of topics, especially political support, partisanship, and voting behavior. Despite these gains, public opinion surveys face clear challenges that threaten their hard-won legitimacy. To the extent that these challenges are met in the coming decades, public opinion polling’s role in shaping Latin American politics will remain, if not strengthen.


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