scholarly journals Historical, legal, ideological and political prerequisites for the formation and development of the institution of people’s control in the USSR

Author(s):  
Elena V. Berdnikova ◽  

Introduction. The controversial nature of most of the aspects related to the content and essence of people’s control, the assessment of its historical role and significance in the system of state administration of the Soviet period, the effectiveness of legal regulation and the political problems of its implementation still arouses a genuine interest of the scientific community in the study of this phenomenon. Theoretical analysis. People’s control in the USSR was both a developed ideological and political concept and a real political and legal institution. The founder of the concept of people’s control was V. I. Lenin, who, in his numerous works, described a clear justification of its relevance in the conditions of socialist democracy. Empirical analysis. It was revealed that the process of development of the institution of people’s control in Soviet Russia was largely influenced by the worldview of the country’s top leadership, which demonstrated polymorphism of opinions on the role and significance of popular control in the system of socialist governance. There are three stages of formation and functioning of the system of people’s control in Soviet Russia, which had their organizational and institutional features. Results. The study of the ideological, political and historical and legal prerequisites for formation of popular control led to the conclusion that popular control was a specific institution characteristic of the socialist type of government. It passed a rather difficult historical path: from workers’ control in the first years of Soviet power to a very complex organizational and institutional system of state and public control in the last decades of the existence of the USSR.

2019 ◽  
pp. 5-11
Author(s):  
H. V. Vdovychenko

The article classifies and highlights three stages spanning the last hundred years – pre-Soviet, Soviet and post-Soviet, of research and mythol- ogization of the life and creation of P.Tychyna, using the example of studying the philosophical attitudes of his early work in the Ukrainian state, the Ukrainian SSR, Ukraine and abroad. The specifics of the formation of the mentioned stages during 1918 – 2019 were systematically considered on materials, including little-known, studies of more than fifty representatives of domestic and foreing tychynology, as well as a wide range of materi- als of the poetic, prosaic, scientific-journalistic and epistolary heritage of P. Tychyna and his contemporary colleagues. In the context of this review an attempt was made of critical interdisciplinary analysis – cultural and philosophical and literary, of the ideological foundations and the results of the modernist and postmodern mythologization of the early creativity of P. Tychyna as the leading creator and symbol of Ukrainian Modernist and Socialist-Realistic literature and, in general, cultural development. The article identifies three leading aspects of defining and studying the philosophical foundations of P. Tychyna's early work in the twentieth – early twenty first centuries: 1) the absence of the formulation and systematic development of the topic in P. Tychyna studies, except for the initial attempts at each of its stages, so far; 2) the narrow specialty of individual attempts at such research, first of all, almost entirely literary or linguistic, but not professional philosophical and cultural philosophical; 3) the dominant conditionality of the major achievements of almost all of these studies, mainly the Soviet period, the political environment of the development of national humanities and, as a consequence, the consistent isolationist-Soviet-anti-European mythology of P. Tychyna's creative figure and heritage. In view of this, the development of this topic in the context of an interdisciplinary, critically-demythologizing scientific search, formed in the contemporary P. Tychyna studies, has been identified as promising.


2016 ◽  
Vol 43 (3-4) ◽  
pp. 245-274
Author(s):  
Rhiannon Dowling

This article examines a criminal case from 1966–1969 concerning a crime that took place in 1965 in the town of Izmalkovo outside of Moscow. Two young men were charged and eventually acquitted for the rape and murder of their female classmate. Their trial drew the attention of jurists and journalists from the capital, as well as scrutiny from the highest judicial and party organs in addition to the ire of local villagers. Two accounts remain of the trial: one written in 1969 by a Moscow journalist, Olga Chaikovskaia, well-known for her writings on crime and law throughout the late Soviet period, and the other penned over a decade later by Dina Kaminskaia, one of the defense lawyers in the trial and later notorious for her advocacy on behalf of prominent dissidents. Both of these women, in describing their defense of the young men, employed gendered conceptions of justice and legality in order to criticize or condemn the Soviet justice system and its agents. And yet Kaminskaia’s and Chaikovskaia’s narratives reveal that, in spite of deep divisions between people from different classes, localities, and with disparate education levels, both urban intelligentsia elite women and the simple village women who heartily opposed them could still have a remarkable degree of faith in the criminal justice system well into the era of “stagnation.” What interested the women from the capital in this case was their perception that the highest organs of Soviet power were involved in these boys’ prosecution, and that their convictions were a foregone conclusion. What kept them coming back to Izmalkovo after repeated set-backs, was the hope that, with the right arguments and evidence, and in spite of the political bias working against them, that justice could nonetheless be achieved for the boys. On this count, they were correct.


2019 ◽  
Vol 21 (3) ◽  
pp. 409-420
Author(s):  
Artemiy A Stepanov

The article deals with the political movement “Our Home - Russia” (NDR) as the first attempt of the creation of the “party of power” in post-soviet period. The aim of this work is to analyze the experience of the NDR and the reasons of the failure of this project. In the course of the study, the historical genetic method, M. Duverger’s partological analysis, and A. Gramsci’s theory were used. The author turned to the political science literature on parties and elections in the Russian Federation and used NDR’s materials and publications of federal mass media as primary sources. In 1995 the movement was created with the experience and the basis of the preceding pro-Kremlin project the “Democratic Choice of Russia” (DVR). Unlike the DVR, it was built on the B. Eltsin’s initiative who needed the support in the State Duma all the time. The prime minister V. Chernomyrdin headed this union and members of political and financial elite of federal and regional levels became its leaders. Despite their strength the movement did not become full-fledged «party of power» because of the communists` domination in the Duma and the lack of large electoral support. The «Our Home - Russia» like DVR could not make effective regional divisions and spread its influence among people masses. The inner split, weakness of Chernomyrdin’s figure and the absence of due president’s support were the causes of its fail in the parlamentary elections of 1999. Nevertheless, the NDR became the first centrist movement in post-Soviet Russia, which retained loyalty to the Kremlin to the end. The union worked out new forms, for example, drew public organizations to its side and for the first time used «name tactics» in the 1995 elections. These developments were useful in the creation of the next, much more successful pro-regional project - the «United Russia».


2020 ◽  
Vol 1 (4(106)) ◽  
pp. 265-271
Author(s):  
Г. Ю. Фоміна

The article is devoted to the formation of actual scientific thought concerning the process of origin and development of legal regulation of the transfer and relocation of workers in the historical territories of modern Ukraine. The author analyzes the approaches available in the scientific literature to the periodization of the origin and development of various labor-legal phenomena, and also determines a number of regularities in the formation of the author's classifications of the periods of development of the corresponding phenomena. In the process of clarifying the current state of scientific thought regarding the origin and development of the legal regulation of the transfer and relocation of employees in Ukraine, problematic issues of the existing historical and legal thought regarding the legal regulation of these personnel procedures are identified, proposals are formulated to solve such problems. The article substantiates the position according to which it is advisable to determine the formation and development of legal regulation of the transfer and relocation of employees within the framework of three historical periods. The first period was the factory period of legal regulation of the transfer of workers (1835-1918). The second period is the Soviet period of legal regulation of the transfer and relocation of employees, which is divided into three stages: the first (1918-1922) and the second (1922-1970) stages of legal regulation of the transfer of employees by the norms of Soviet labor law; the third stage of legal regulation of the transfer and relocation of employees by the norms of Soviet labor law (1971-1991). The third period is the period of legal regulation of the transfer and relocation of workers during the times of independent Ukraine (since 1991). The conclusions to the article summarize the results of the study.


Author(s):  
Gary Hamburg

Chicherin was a Russian liberal historian of law, a political and religious philosopher and a public figure, who briefly served as Moscow’s elected mayor (1882–3). Before the mid-1860s he advocated ‘conservative-liberalism’, his term for a partnership between strong central government and the educated public designed to promote civil rights and the rule of law. After 1866, he championed constitutional guarantees of individual liberty against state and societal interference, fashioning in the process a Russian version of ‘classical liberalism’. Chicherin was modern Russia’s most significant liberal thinker and one of its most influential philosophers in the Idealist tradition. He is still read today by Russian philosophers and historians of social thought. Moreover, his political ideas gained wide currency among the political elites in the late Soviet period and especially in post-Soviet Russia.


2021 ◽  
Vol 4 ◽  
pp. 71-79
Author(s):  
E.S. Bondareva ◽  

Pension law trends peculiar to the USSR and Russian Federation, their fundamental influence upon the ultimate results of pension provision as to the citizens of the USSR and the ones of post-Soviet Russia are the concern of the present study. A brief review of Soviet pension law is provided herein, key elements of legal regulation of pension entitlement during Soviet period are analyzed along with the results achieved both in the USSR and Russian Federation as to the old-age insurance. The information about scales of pensions at the periods of time listed above – their minimum, medium and maximum values – is represented therewith; the purchasing power of Soviet and Russian pensions is compared, figures concerning coefficient of substitution of lost wage with pensions are dealt with. It is pointed out that the unified public pension system of the USSR has been a beneficial experience along with the establishment of proper social standards in the domain of pension provision, opportune getting the pension law development priorities right, approach and coherent rise in the standard of living of pensioners. The results of legislative work through the 90s of the 20-th century in the domain of pension provision in Russia are also summing up herein, correlation of reformative decisions made during the last decades and their consequences for the Russian pensioners are considered. Relying on the analysis above the following conclusions can be reached: pension provision reforming in Russia nowadays has not brought to rise in the standard of living of most pensioners. Moreover the level of pension provision in Russia has become lower than the one in the USSR. By this means it is concluded that fundamental reforming of pension provision setup in Russian Federation is extremely necessary and thereafter some ways of its improvement are suggested.


2015 ◽  
Vol 8 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-16 ◽  
Author(s):  
Judith Inggs

This article investigates the perceived image of English-language children's literature in Soviet Russia. Framed by Even-Zohar's polysystem theory and Bourdieu's philosophy of action, the discussion takes into account the ideological constraints of the practice of translation and the manipulation of texts. Several factors involved in creating the perceived character of a body of literature are identified, such as the requirements of socialist realism, publishing practices in the Soviet Union, the tradition of free translation and accessibility in the translation of children's literature. This study explores these factors and, with reference to selected examples, illustrates how the political and sociological climate of translation in the Soviet Union influenced the translation practices and the field of translated children's literature, creating a particular image of English-language children's literature in (Soviet) Russia.


2020 ◽  
Author(s):  
Agenagn Kebede Dagnew

AbstractThis paper focuses on Georg Wilhelm Friedrich Hegel (1770-1831)’s political philosophy of state and individuals. In this paper , we will see the political concept of state and state’s relation with individuals.


2017 ◽  
pp. 126-169
Author(s):  
S.E. Tariverdieva

The article deals with the development of the coregency system of Augustus and Agrippa from 29 to 18 BC: from formal and actual disparity of the coregents to their formal equality with the dominance of the princeps auctoritas. Particular attention is paid to the earlier stages of this development and to the crisis of 23 BC. The coregency system created by Augustus is often regarded by modern historians as means of ensuring uninterrupted succession of power. Agrippa as his coregent often is thought to have assumed the role of the regent who temporally replaces the princeps, just as it was in formal monarchies, or that of the tutor of the future rulers. However, the Roman system of state administration did not allow such type of regency. The princeps coregent, who was his equal in formal credentials but his inferior in terms of auctoritas, in case of the princeps death had to become the next princeps as his immediate successor. It is unlikely that later he was expected to voluntarily give up his power in favour of younger heir and to vanish from the political life altogether. The inheritance system under Augustus was like a ladder with the princeps at the top, the coregent who was also the immediate successor one step below, heirs of the next degree further down. In case of death of one of them, successors shifted one step up. The coregency had one more function: geographically it allowed Augustus and Agrippa to rule jointly the empire while staying in different parts of it.В статье исследуется развитие системы соправления Августа и Агриппы с 29 по 12 гг. до н. э.: от формального и фактического неравенства соправителей до их формального равенства при преобладании auctoritas принцепса, причём особое внимание уделяется раннему этапу этого развития и кризису 23 г. до н. э. Институт соправления, созданный Августом, часто рассматривается, как средство обеспечения бесперебойного перехода власти, причем Агриппе, как соправителю, НЕРЕДКО отводится роль регента, временно замещающего принцепса или воспитателя будущих правителей. Однако римская система государственного управления не предполагала регентства. Соправитель принцепса, равный ему по формальным полномочиям, но уступавший по auctoritas, в случае его смерти должен был СТАТЬ следующим принцепсом, ближайшим его наследником. Вряд ли предполагалось, что в будущем он должен добровольно уступить власть более молодому наследнику и исчезнуть из политической жизни. Система наследования при Августе представляла собой нечто вроде лестницы, на вершине которой стоял принцепс, на следующей ступени соправитель, он же избранный преемник, ниже наследники следующей очереди в случае смерти когото из них происходило продвижение наследников по ступеням вверх. Кроме того, соправление имело и иное значение позволяло Августу и Агриппе совместно управлять империей, находясь в разных ее частях.


Author(s):  
Laurence Publicover

This chapter analyses the ways in which the collaborative drama The Travels of the Three English Brothers defends the Sherley brothers’ real-world political endeavours across Europe and Persia through its intertheatrical negotiations. Explaining the political background of those endeavours and their controversial nature, it illustrates how the playwrights liken the Sherleys to the heroes of dramas that had been popular on the early modern stage over the preceding twenty years, in particular Tamburlaine and The Merchant of Venice. It also examines the significance of Francis Beaumont’s specific parody, in The Knight of the Burning Pestle, of an episode in Travels in which the Persian Sophy acts as godfather to the child of Robert Sherley. The chapter concludes with a discussion of the role of playing companies in shaping dramatic output.


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