Les relations Léopold III - Henri De Man (1938 - 1940)

Res Publica ◽  
1970 ◽  
Vol 20 (1) ◽  
pp. 21-39
Author(s):  
Eric-John Nachtergaele
Keyword(s):  
The Other ◽  
Executive Power ◽  
The Political ◽  
The Future ◽  
De Man

During the campaign of may 1940 and the following month, King Leopold III had as principal political counsellor Henri De Man. He played a primordial role during that period, which was rich with extremely important events for the future of Belgium, such as the surrender of the army and the problem of the King reassuming or not his constitutionalprerogative during the occupation.  The former socialist minister did not accidentally hold the situation of confident of the King. Indeed, both men became friends before the war.They shared similar conceptions about interior and foreign policyproblems.In fact, Leopold III supported De Man in his attempt, during the winter 1938-1939, to convoke a peace conference. On the other end early 1939 they both expressed rather similar conceptions on the functioning of the Belgian institutions and especially on the lack of authority of the executive power. The projects of manifestoes by De Man concerning the political future of Belgium were grounded on a reinforcement of the executive power. So the manifesto of june 1940, a consequence of De Man's contacts with the King, reveals the role which the King should or could have assumed if Hitler had permitted it.

scholarly journals „La Țigănci”, nuvela-parabolă a profetismului eliadesc / "La Țigănci" – The Parable of the Eliadesc Prophetism

2018 ◽  
Vol 1 (1) ◽  
pp. 69-86
Author(s):  
Liliana Danciu
Keyword(s):  
European Union ◽  
Short Story ◽  
The Other ◽  
The Political ◽  
Rite Of Passage ◽  
Main Character ◽  
The European Union ◽  
Cultural Elements ◽  
The Future ◽  
Naked Body

The unprecedented experience of Gavrilescu, the main character in the La Țigănci short story, continues to arise  various interpretations, proving the viability of this eliadesc writing. For some literary critics, he is the anti-hero by definition, which lives what Eliade understands by "level break", but without understanding anything of it. The ordinary man, with a banal existence, routinely in the profane becomes the Chosen One uselessly claimed by sacred, for ignorance prevents him from seeing beyond the Illusion. In the hut of the gypsies, he crosses a rite of passage, from life to death, proof being the shrouded curtain that will wrap his naked body, the terrible thirst for unpopularity, and the surprising encounter with the always young Hildegard, the beloved of his youth.In this article, I try to reveal another dimension of this eliadesc short story, linked to the name of the main character, which, in my opinion, refers to the name of the archangel Gabriel, the "pair" of the other, Michael. As it is known, the name of the archangel Michael is directly related to the Romanian legionary movement in the inter-warperiod, a nationalistic, violent and criminal political-ideological movement that has successfully manipulated local religious and cultural elements to gain followers and become strong. Up to a point, the Romanian legionary movement stood under the sign of both archangels, synthesizing both the intellectual and the political dimensions.In time, the two directions have broken apart, and the legion has remained exclusively under the warlike sign of the warrior archangel. The Romanian intellectuals, who originally sympathized with the nationalist ideals of the legionary movement, distanced themselves from it and remained under the soteriological mark of Archangel Gabriel. This is, in my opinion, the message hidden by Eliade in this unusual short story. Also, using allegory and symbol, the Romanian author turns out to be a man of vision and prophesies the future of Romania, which has been culturally and historically marked, in time, by Germany. The present does not contradict Eliade, because Germany is the engine of the European Union, of which Romania wants to be part.

scholarly journals El Estado Novo portugués y el miedo al «No Imperio»: algunas razones inmateriales de la resistencia a la descolonización (1945-1977) = The Portuguese Estado Novo and the fear of «No Empire»: some intangible reasons for the resistance to decolonization (1945-1974)

2018 ◽  
pp. 143
Author(s):  
Adolfo Cueto-Rodríguez
Keyword(s):  
National Identity ◽  
The Other ◽  
The Political ◽  
Know How ◽  
Historical Continuity ◽  
The Future

Es de sobra conocido que la dictadura portuguesa resistió tenazmente a la descolonización hasta el fin de sus días, allá por abril de 1974. Desde 1961 lo hizo además empuñando el fusil; y entonces la simbiosis entre el Régimen y su guerra colonial adquirió tal envergadura que una cosa difícilmente lograría sobrevivir sin la otra. Sin mejor solución que continuar, el futuro de ambos estaba sentenciado, a plazo. Ya se sabe, más difícil que iniciar un conflicto es siempre salir de él. Por supuesto, eso no quiere decir que la decisión de embarcarse en uno y mantenerlo sea cosa sencilla. Sobre las razones del Gobierno portugués han corrido ríos de tinta. Son múltiples. Pero ¿qué hay de los razonamientos que, cuan dogmas de fe, entendían comprometida la mismísima patria y su destino si las colonias se perdían?. A ese tipo de justificaciones dedicaremos este texto, pues, la posibilidad del «No Imperio» para muchos amenazaba de modo fatal la independencia nacional por varias vías. ¿Cuánto pesó esa cosmovisión en la decisión de resistir y cuánto contribuyó para dificultar la corrección política que sacase al país de la contienda? No sabremos cuantificar lo imponderable, aunque bien merece una reflexión.It is well known that the Portuguese dictatorship resisted decolonization until the end of its days, in April 1974. Since 1961 it did so with arms. The symbiosis between the perpetuation of the regime and the colonial war was such that one could hardly have survived without the other. Still, without a better solution, the future of both was sentenced. More difficult than starting a conflict is always to get out of it, which does not mean that the decision to embark on one and to keep it is simple. The reasons supporting the Portuguese government’s decision have been overly studied and are multiple. But what about the arguments that, as dogmas of faith, compromised the historical continuity of the homeland and its unity of destiny without the colonies? This text will focus on those arguments, since for many people the possibility of the «No Empire» hypothesis seriously threatened national identity and the countryʼs independence. To what extent did this vision of reality influenced the decision to resist and to hamper the political correction that would end the war? We donʼt know how to quantify the imponderable, but it deserves a reflection.

Dynamics of conversations

2021 ◽  
pp. 127-154
Author(s):  
Cristina Rosillo-López
Keyword(s):  
Political Culture ◽  
Point Of View ◽  
The Other ◽  
The Political ◽  
Written Communication ◽  
Conversational Analysis ◽  
Power Struggles ◽  
Constituent Part ◽  
The Future

Chapter 5 analyses the political conversations that Cicero transmitted in direct style from the point of view of conversational analysis, dissecting their dynamics and revealing how they constructed relationships and provided an outlet for self-representation during power struggles. Such conversations allowed the deployment of persuasiveness, tentative questions, sous-entendres, and the circulation of information that written communication could not provide. An analysis of conversational dynamics has revealed that certain elements consistently recur. First, there is the presence of political speculations and predictions about the future. Secondly, we can point to the presence of feelings and impressions, either as a result of the conversation or concerning the other speaker. The chapter argues that such conversations should be considered a constituent part of political culture.

Letter from the Other Canada

1990 ◽  
Vol 25 (2) ◽  
pp. 231-247 ◽  
Author(s):  
Guy Laforest
Keyword(s):  
The Other ◽  
Political Crisis ◽  
The Political ◽  
Canadian History ◽  
Quiet Revolution ◽  
The Future ◽  
The Face ◽  
Political Modernization

LESS THAN TWO YEARS AGO, THE READERS OFGovernment and Oppositionhad reasons to be moderately optimistic concerning the future of our country. If their judgment was based on George Feaver's ‘Letter from Canada’, it appeared prudent to conclude that it was no small achievement for Canada to have persisted as a state in the face of tremendous adversity. These readers may have also trusted some distinguished experts on Canadian history and politics. Donald Smiley recently wrote that he had ’very much over-estimated the strength of Québec nationalism and provincialist influences elsewhere in the country and very much under-estimated the capacity of the system to respond effectively to such divisive pressures’. Smiley's judgment was supported by Kenneth McRoberts: ‘Canada's most serious political crisis, which originated in the political modernization of the Quiet Revolution and saw the election of a Québec government formally committed to Québec sovereignty, appears to have run its course.’

scholarly journals La contrarreforma del consejo general del poder judicial = Counter-reform in the spanish judiciary

2014 ◽  
pp. 333
Author(s):  
Diego Íñiguez Hernández
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
The Other ◽  
Executive Power ◽  
The Political ◽  
Substantial Part ◽  
El Sistema ◽  
The Way

El Consejo General del Poder Judicial ha sido ineficaz en su misión constitucional de ayudar a defender la independencia de jueces y tribunales frente a presiones de los demás poderes, dignificados o eficientes. La forma en que se designa a sus integrantes y el modo en que éstos eligen luego a los principales cargos judiciales ha puesto de manifiesto su dependencia de los partidos políticos. Pero la reforma de 2013 no resuelve estos problemas, incumple previsiones constitucionales de pluralismo en su composición y de colegialidad y añade otros nuevos como consecuencia de su presidencialismo y transfiere una parte sustancial de sus poderes al Ejecutivo. Supone un retroceso deliberado hacia el sistema de gobierno preconstitucional: una genuina Contrarreforma.The Judiciary Council has been ineffective in its constitutional mission: helping to sustain the judges’ independence against the other — dignified or efficient — Powers’ pressures. The way its members are appointed and how they in turn elect the holders of the main judicial positions has shown their dependency on the political parties. But the 2013 reform does not resolve this problems, does not fulfil the constitutional provisions on pluralism in its composition and collegiality, creates some new ones as a consequence of the reinforcement of its president’s powers and transfers a substantial part of its former competences to the Executive power. It is a deliberate setback to the pre-constitutional way of governing the judiciary: a genuine Counter-Reform.

scholarly journals Loftur Helgason fer til Björgvinjar

Ritið ◽  
2018 ◽  
Vol 18 (1) ◽  
pp. 65-94
Author(s):  
Lára Magnúsardóttir
Keyword(s):  
The Other ◽  
Executive Power ◽  
The Political ◽  
13Th Century ◽  
Conflict Of Interests ◽  
Other Hand ◽  
The Face ◽  
The Government ◽  
The One ◽  
The Church

The article recounts the account from the Árna saga about Loftur Helgason’s trip to Bergen in 1282 and his stay there over winter, explained in terms of the formal sources about the organization of the government and changes in the law in the latter half of the 13th century. These changes were aimed at introducing into Iceland the power of both the King and the Church and in fact marked the actual changes throughout the Norwegian state. Loftur was Skálholt‘s official and the story about him was part of a long-standing dispute about the position of the chieftains versus the new power of the Church and the opposition to its introduction. The article defines the political confusion described in the Árna sagain Bergen in the winter of 1282-1283 as, on the one hand, changes in the constitution and, on the other hand, legislation, and at the same time whether the Kings Hákon Hákonarson and his son Magnús had systematically pursued a policy of having the Church be an independent party to the government of the state from 1247 onward until the death of the latter in 1280. When the disagreement is looked at as continuing, it is seen that Icelanders had made preparations for changes in the constitution with assurances of introduction of the power of the Church beginning in 1253 and the power of the King from 1262, but, on the other hand, the disagreements in both countries disappeared in the 1270s in the face of the conflict of interests that resulted from the laws that followed in the wake of the constiututional changes. Árna saga tell of this and how the disputes were described, but also that their nature changed as King Erikur came to power in 1280, as he gave the power of the King a new policy that was aimed against the power of the Church. Ousting of the archbishop from Norway and the Christian funerals of the excommunicated chieftains are examples of the conditions of government that could not have been, if the King had no longer had executive power over Christian concerns, as he had already conceded power over spiritual issues to the Pope in Rome with the Settlement at Túnsberg in 1277.

Representation and participation in the changing world of party politics

1998 ◽  
Vol 6 (2) ◽  
pp. 161-174 ◽  
Author(s):  
Peter Mair
Keyword(s):  
20Th Century ◽  
Party Politics ◽  
The State ◽  
The Other ◽  
The Political ◽  
Processes Of Change ◽  
Other Hand ◽  
Mass Politics ◽  
The Future ◽  
The One

The 20th-century has been the century of mass politics, and the mass parties that emerged at the beginning of this century became deeply rooted within wider society. The passing of this golden age of the party has now been marked by two distinct processes of change. On the one hand, parties have become more distant from society and more closely linked to government and the state. On the other hand, there has been a decline in the political identities of the parties, such that voters now find it increasingly difficult to distinguish between them. These changes, and the related transformation of politics into administration, have led to a growth in popular indifference to parties and to politics in general, as well as to a declining sense of engagement. Should this trend continue, it is mass spectacle rather than mass involvement that is likely to characterize the future of mass politics.

scholarly journals Penguasa, Tuhan, dan Rakyat: Membaca Apokalips Daniel 7 sebagai Subversi

2019 ◽  
Vol 4 (2) ◽  
pp. 211
Author(s):  
Robert Setio
Keyword(s):  
The Other ◽  
Dark Side ◽  
The Political ◽  
Imperial History ◽  
The Future

Because of its cryptic nature apocalypse Daniel 7 has been interpreted in many ways. Often it is linked to the end of time teachings. This kind of interpretation is problematic. First, while emphasizing the dark side of the prophecy, it fails to capture its main intention which is optimism toward the future. Second, apocalypse contains dualistic ideas, but, they are not supposed to be separated, let alone taking one side over the other. Apocalyptic dualism should be treated as an oscillating, always negotiating positions, tensional but creativecollisions. This article shows a reading of apocalypse that reveals dualism as an integrated entity. It also considers theological consequences of such a reading. While being placed within the world’s history, God is deeply involved in worldly drama which consists of tragedy, as well as, comedy. On the political side, this reading demonstrates that imperial history does not run by itself, but, always prones to subversive movements.

Interview to Boaventura de Sousa Santos

2016 ◽  
Vol 16 (1) ◽  
pp. 17-27 ◽  
Author(s):  
Manuela Guilherme ◽  
Gunther Dietz
Keyword(s):  
21St Century ◽  
Classical Model ◽  
The Other ◽  
The Political ◽  
The South ◽  
Political Alliances ◽  
The Future ◽  
The One ◽  
Epistemological Dimension ◽  
European University

In this interview, Professor Boaventura de Sousa Santos addresses, on the one hand, the process of transnationalisation of universities and the neoliberalisation of the classical model of the European university. On the other hand, he stresses that the recognition of difference and internal pluralism of science, which have pervaded the universities during the last decades, is now losing steam. However, he believes that the emergence of the Epistemologies of the South he proposes may contribute to the re-foundation of a new university more suited to the ethos of the 21st century, since the reconstruction or reinvention of confrontational politics requires an epistemological transformation. Therefore, he proposes a new, polyphonic university (or better, pluriversity) as this epistemological transformation unfolds. This means that the political alliances of the future will have an epistemological dimension characterized by an articulation or combination of different and differently relevant kinds of knowledge.

Friendship's Future: Derrida's Promising Thought

Derrida Today ◽  
2009 ◽  
Vol 2 (2) ◽  
pp. 210-221 ◽  
Author(s):  
Blair McDonald
Keyword(s):  
The Other ◽  
The Political ◽  
Close Reading ◽  
The Future ◽  
Social Unity

This paper will address the political and ethical ramifications of Derrida's concern for friendship in relation to his concerns with the future of democracy, rights of hospitality and cosmopolitics. The questions addressed read as follows: Is there a way we can get beyond this stance which not only consolidates a friendship of the ‘perhaps’ with a friendship of the promise, but also implicates their consolidation with the very future of what we today call democracy? Is there a way in which we can substantiate something more than a romanticized call for a future integration of friendship and democracy while avoiding the pitfalls of on one hand, substantiating a model of friendship for politics or, on the other, offering a disguised and naïve return to a metaphysics of friendship as the saving grace of social unity? Through a close reading of the conclusion to Politics of Friendship as well as his concerns with friendship in Spectres of Marx and Rogues: Two Essays on Reason it will be argued that Derrida's insistence on the future of friendship is bound up with the notion of an ethical promise to the thought of friendship as the condition for its political and ethical relevance.

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