The Dutch Case: a National or a Regional Culture? The Prothero Lecture

1979 ◽  
Vol 29 ◽  
pp. 155-168
Author(s):  
E. H. Kossmann

As in relation to many other countries in sixteenth-century Europe, it is difficult to apply modern conceptions of nationhood to the situation in the Low Countries. If the difficulty seems more awkward in this area than elsewhere, it is perhaps merely because the sixteenth-century Netherlands, as we all know, developed into two distinct nations, the northern Netherlands and Belgium. It is clearly impossible to give a convincing answer to the question whether, in politically more propitious circumstances, the northern and the southern Netherlands might have grown into a single nation state with one common culture. All we know is that in the north a new state was created which, in the seventeenth century, undoubtedly possessed a culture idiosyncratic enough to be described as properly Dutch. We may well call this a national culture. On the other hand, if we bear in mind, asmany seventeenth-century commentators did, that the Dutch Republic was no more than a part of what had been the real Netherlands, both north and south, it would not be totally incongruous to define Dutch culture, that is the northern culture, as regional rather than national. However, if we do so, we must conclude that the national culture uniting the southern and the northern Netherlands, and somehow enclosing the regional cultures of Flanders and Brabant, of Holland and Zeeland, never came into existence.

2018 ◽  

During the Late Middle Ages a unique type of ‘mixed media’ recycled and remnant art arose in houses of religious women in the Low Countries: enclosed gardens. They date from the time of Emperor Charles V and are unique examples of ‘anonymous’ female art, devotion and spirituality. A hortus conclusus (or enclosed garden) represents an ideal, paradisiacal world. Enclosed Gardens are retables, sometimes with painted side panels, the central section filled not only with narrative sculpture, but also with all sorts of trinkets and hand-worked textiles.Adornments include relics, wax medallions, gemstones set in silver, pilgrimage souvenirs, parchment banderoles, flowers made from textiles with silk thread, semi-precious stones, pearls and quilling (a decorative technique using rolled paper). The ensemble is an impressive and one-of-a-kind display and presents as an intoxicating garden. The sixteenth-century horti conclusi of the Mechelen Hospital sisters are recognized Masterpieces and are extremely rare, not alone at a Belgian but even at a global level. They are of international significance as they provide evidence of devotion and spirituality in convent communities in the Southern Netherlands in the sixteenth century. They are an extraordinary tangible expression of a devotional tradition. The highly individual visual language of the enclosed gardens contributes to our understanding of what life was like in cloistered communities. They testify to a cultural identity closely linked with mystical traditions allowing us to enter a lost world very much part of the culture of the Southern Netherlands. This book is the first full survey of the enclosed gardens and is the result of year-long academic research.


PMLA ◽  
1908 ◽  
Vol 23 (2) ◽  
pp. 240-253
Author(s):  
Milton A. Buchanan

Spanish poets of the seventeenth century were very fond of the contrast between the physical limitations of men, especially when prisoners,—“ ces eternels envieux des mouches et des oiseaux” (Victor Hugo)—and the freedom of birds that fly at will, or of “ fishes that tipple in the deep.” But nowhere has the comparison been given such artistic form and signal appropriateness as in the mouth of Calderon's hero, Segismundo. This young Titan felt himself fettered by stone walls. They were a real prison to him and he rebelled against his lot. He was not in a mood to admit, had it even occurred to him to do so, the superior advantage of man's mental freedom over the physical freedom of fishes and birds and brutes, or running brooks. But the thought was not original with Calderon, nor, according to Sr. Menéndez y Pelayo, was it original with any of Calderon's immediate predecessors, but went back to the Greek philosopher, Philo. Lope de Vega was probably the first to transplant the conceit to Spanish soil,—and it bore abundant fruit. In one of his early plays, El Remedio en la desdicha, written before the close of the sixteenth century, occur the following verses: Rendido estoy á tu nobleza, y veoQue mi ignorancia fué mi propio engaño;Aunque si amor á todos da disculpa,¿ Porqué no la tendrán mi amor y celos ?Si tú, si tus soldados, si los hombresSi las aves, los peces, si las fieras,Si todo sabe amor, si todo temePerder su bien, y con sus celos propiosDefiende casa, nido, mar y cueva,Llora, lamenta, gime, y brama; advierteQue celos y sospechas me obligaronAl desatino que á tus pies me rinde.


1991 ◽  
Vol 105 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-31
Author(s):  
Saskia De Bodt

AbstractThe article starts by taking stock of research into North and South Netherlandish professional embroidery in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries. Such embroidery, which was rarely or never signed, and much of which has been lost, has hitherto been studied largely on stylistic grounds and grouped around noted schools of painting. Classifications include 'circle of Jacob Cornelisz van Oostsanen', for instance, or 'Leiden school/influence of Lucas van Leyden'. The author advocates a more relative approach to such classification into schools. She suggests that only systematic archive research in each location can shed new light on the production of embroidery studios and that well-founded attributions hinge solely on such research. The embroidery produced in Utrecht between 1500 and 1580 is cited as an example. The invoices of Utrecht parish and collegiate churches from circa 1500 to the Reformation record not onlv commissions to painters, goldsmiths and sculptors but also many items referring to textiles, notably embroidery. Together they provide a clear and relatively complete picture of the activities of sixteenth-century Utrecht embroiderers, whose principal customers were the churches. The items in question moreover exemplify the craft of the North Netherlandish embroiderer in that period in general in terms of what was produced as well as of the method and position of these artistic craftsmen, who were less overshadowed by painters than is generally assumed. A brief introduction outlining the organization of professional Utrecht embroiderers, who became independent of the tailors' guild in 1610 and acquired their own warrant, is followed by the analysis of an order from the Buurkerk in Utrecht for crimson paraments in 1530: three copes, a chasuble and two dalmatics. The activities of all those involved in their production are recorded : the merchants who supplied the fabric, the tracers of the embroidery patterns, the embroiderer, the cutter, various silver-smiths and the maker of the chest in which the set of garments was kept. The embroiderer was the best-paid of all these specialists. It is interesting to note that some Utrecht guild-members worked free of charge on these paraments, and that the collection at the first mass at which they were worn was very generous. There were probably political reasons for this: some of the donators, Evert Zoudenbalch and Goerd van Voirde, had been mayors at the time of the guild rebellion in Utrecht, and the Buurkerk was the parish church where the guild altars stood. After this detailed example the author discusses Utrecht embroiderers known by name and their studios,comparing them with a list of major commissions carried out for churches in Utrecht (appendix I). It transpires that in each case one studio received the most important Utrecht orders. This is followed by the reconstruction of three leading figures' careers. First Jacob van Malborch, active till 1525; a contract (1510) with the Pieterskerk in Utrecht regarding blue velvet copes is cited (appendix 11). He is followed by the embroiderers Reyer Jacobs and Sebastiaen dc Laet. Among his other activities, the latter was responsible for repairing and altering the famous garments of Bishop David of Burgundy. Items on invoices arc then cited as evidence that the sleeves of two dalmatics now in the Catharijneconvent Museum, embroidered on both sides with aurifriezes donated by Bishop David, were made by Jacob van Malborch in 1504/1505. This shows that systematic scrutiny of invoices and the results of archive research concentrated on individual embroiderers in a single city, compared with preserved items of embroidery, yield information that can lead to exact attributions to an artist or a studio (figs.4a to c and 5a to c). The Catharijneconvent Museum also possesses a series of figures of saints embroidered by the same hand (fig. 14). Finally, the author points out that a group of embroidered work (previously mentioned by H. L. M. Defoer in the catalogue Schilderen met gouddraad en zyde (1987)) which historical data suggest was done in Utrecht and which was produced in the same period, are almost certain to have come from Jacob van Malborch's studio, despite the lack of archival evidence (figs. 6 to 13).


Author(s):  
Oscar Gelderblom

In 1585 the Duke of Parma conquered Antwerp, which was followed by a blockade of the river Scheldt. A large number of merchants moved to Amsterdam. Since the beginning of the twentieth century a historical debate has been going on about the economic effects of these events. The submitted data, gathered from different historical sources, aim to provide a precise answer to this question. Information from nine different sources (e.g. poortersboeken of the city of Amsterdam, two tax registers, Notarieel Archief and VOC/WIC-archives) has been combined in an attempt to reconstruct the entire merchant community of Amsterdam between 1578 and 1630. This resulted in a data collection on more than 5,000 wholesale traders. Analysis of the data shows that migration to Amsterdam started long before the siege of Antwerp because of old commercial ties between the two cities. Moreover, the role of the newcomers was of moderate importance. In 1609 the immigrants amounted to one third of Amsterdam’s merchant community. The majority of them were young men of modest means, seeking an international career in Amsterdam. Since collaboration between merchants from the north and the south dated back to the 1540s, the influx from Antwerp may be considered part of one single merchant community which developed in the Low Countries in the course of the sixteenth century.


2017 ◽  
Vol 4 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Mattias Skat Sommer

AbstractDanish reformer Niels Hemmingsen was a Lutheran, but owing to Pan-Protestant sentiments that became apparent in his later writings, he found an appreciative audience in non-Lutheran Western Europe during the late sixteenth and early seventeenth centuries. This article argues that the early modern European reception of Hemmingsen and his theology should be seen as an attempt to construct him as part of a Protestant memory. It also argues that in order to understand the dynamics behind the reception of Hemmingsen’s ideas, one has to consider the geopolitics of early modern Denmark. Due to her strategic setting in Northern Europe, Denmark played a vital role in controlling commerce and politics between the North and Baltic Seas. Arguing for a “Western” perspective, the article shows how Hemmingsen’s case substantiates that the Danish Reformation involved both importing Lutheranism from the South (Saxony), and exporting it to the West (The Low Countries, England).


1990 ◽  
Vol 104 (3-4) ◽  
pp. 212-217

AbstractIn Enkhuizen, the fifth major town in the region of Holland at the time, dozens of portraits were painted in the last years of the sixteenth and first decades of the seventeenth century. ln 1934 A. B. de Vries acknowledged a few paintings of 1594 and 1595 (cat. nos. 3, 4 and 5) as the work of an artist who was active in Enkhuizen and a follower of the Amsterdam painters Pieter and Aert Pietersz. It transpires that a large number of other portraits can be attributed to that same painter. Thanks to the fact that a print by Willem Delff after one of the works in this group, a portrait of Henricus Antonii Nerdenus of 1604 (fig. 5) bears the inscription Ioan.Nicol.Enchus.pinx., the anonymous Enkhuizen artist can be identified as one Jan Claesz. Archive research has yielded only a series of entries in notarial deeds of 1613 - 1616, but the painter's works facilitate the construction of a brief biography. Jan Claesz. was probably born around 1570 or a little earlier in or near Enkhuizen, and trained with Pieter or Aert Pietersz. in Amsterdam. The young artist painted a few portraits in that city in 1593. Shortly afterwards he moved to Enkhuizen, where, j udging by his paintings, he was certainly active until 1618. He probably died that year or a little later. As far as can be established he confined himself to portraiture. The earliest known attributable works are his portraits of Bartholomeus van der Wicrc and his wife, painted in 1593 (figs. 7 and 8) and clearly showing the influence of Pieter and Aert Pietersz. The compositions and poses are characteristic of Jan Claesz.'s work; the background perspective does not quite come off. His portraits of two sisters of 1594 (figs. 9 and 10) are less ambitious, and are among the most attractive Netherlandish children's portraits of the late sixteenth century. Very similar is a portrait of Reynu Semeyns, painted a year later (fig. II), which displays the same painstaking method. This picture once had a companion piece, a portrait of the famous explorer Jan Huygen van Linschoten which is only known from a copper engraving with a partial copy in mirror image (fig. 12). This print suggests a close relationship between the portrait of Van Linschoten and a painting of 1598 in which Adriaen Teding van Berkhout is depicted (fig. 13). In 1598 Jan Claesz. also painted a full-length portrait of a child standing on a tiled floor, with two pilasters and an arch in the background (fig. 14), an arrangement he used on a number of subsequent occasions (figs. 23, 24, 26 and 27). A separate group in Jan Claesz.'s œuvre consists of three double portraits of 1601 and 1602, featuring an adult wih a child (figs. 15, 16 and 17); the companion pieces of 1602 demonstrate that the painter not only worked for Enkhuizen patrons but also for the regents in the neighbouring town of Hoorn. A few portraits of older people painted between 1603 and 1608 (figs. 2, 3, 18, 19 and 20) clearly show the minute detail in the painting, sometimes resulting in a certain hardness in the rendering. A portrait of a boy of 1608 (fig. 21) suggests that the artist was familiar with the interest evinced in other towns for giving portraits trompe-l'œil frames. Another portrait of a boy painted a year later (fig. 22) is the earliest known example of a type of children's portrait that was especially popular in West Frisia in the seventeenth century; the subject is a boy with a miniature horse. A child's portrait previously attributed to Adriaen van der Linde, a painter active in Frisia, but consistent in every aspect with other paintings by Jan Claesz., dates from the same period (fig. 24). A similar portrait, probably depicting Claes Gerritsz. Slijper and painted in 1614, has suffered considerably from overpainting of the head (fig. 28). A few portraits of adults dating from 1616-1618 (figs. 33, 34 and 36) are the last known works of the painter and among the best he ever did. Like other paintings by Jan Claesz. (figs. 1 5 and 35), they also give us an idea of the rich traditional costume of Enkhuizen. Jan Claesz. may be regarded as a representative of the generation of portraitists who in the waning sixteenth and dawning seventeenth century laid the foundations for the heyday of portraiture in the ensuing years of the seventeenth century. He is also a representative of the widespread influence of the painters Pieter and Aert Pietersz., an influence particularly noticeable in the northern region of the Netherlands. He added his own elements to their example. His fairly numerous portraits of children, with their somewhat naive charm, form an important contribution to our knowledge of the North Netherlandish children's portrait of around 1600.


2007 ◽  
Vol 11 (4-5) ◽  
pp. 303-329
Author(s):  
James Tracy

AbstractLike not a few of his compatriots, Justus Lipsius changed his allegiance more than once during the long civil war between the Spanish crown and the Dutch rebels. What makes him unusual is that this noted classical scholar was also a voracious and critical consumer of reports about events of his own time and place; Lipsius' voluminous correspondence thus opens a rare window into what the Dutch Revot looked like to an anxious and well-informed citizen of the Low Countries. Unable to live under the tyranny of the duke of Alba, he accepted a post at the University of Leiden; from here he viewed the rebel provinces of the north as a bulwark against a Spanish hegemony that threatened to engulf Europe. Yet, as a devoted adherent of the monarchical principle of government, he found that he also could not live under a "polyarchy" of provicial parliaments, in which, as Lipsius saw things, wealthy burghers governed in their own interest. Hence he took a new position at the University of Louvain, in his native Brabant. It was not at first a fortunate choice, for just as Lipsius moved the military fortunes of the Dutch government changed for the better, while Philip II was distracted by plans to put a Spanish princess on the French throne. Only when Spain's ambitions in France were thwarted by the successes of Henry IV did Lipsius's hopes revive: in Albert and Isabella, 'natural' princes who intended to focus on the southern Netherlands, he seems to have found at last a government he could accept.


During the seventeenth century Scots produced many philosophical writings of high quality, writings that were very much part of a wider European philosophical discourse. Yet today seventeenth-century Scottish philosophy is known to hardly anyone. The Scottish philosophy of the sixteenth century is now being investigated by many scholars, and the philosophy of the eighteenth is widely studied. But that of the seventeenth century is only now beginning to receive the attention it deserves. This book begins by placing the seventeenth-century Scottish philosophy in its political and religious contexts, and then investigates the writings of the philosophers in the areas of logic, metaphysics, politics, ethics, law, and religion. It is demonstrated that in a variety of ways the Scottish Reformation impacted on the teaching of philosophy in the Scottish universities. It is also demonstrated that until the second half of the century, and the arrival of Descartes on the Scottish philosophy curriculum, the Scots were teaching and developing a form of Reformed orthodox scholastic philosophy, a philosophy that shared many features with the scholastic Catholic philosophy of the medieval period. It also becomes clear that by the early eighteenth-century Scotland was well placed to give rise to the spectacular Enlightenment that then followed, and to do so in large measure on the basis of its own well-established intellectual resources. Among the many thinkers discussed are Reformed orthodox, Episcopalian, and Catholic philosophers including George Robertson, George Middleton, John Boyd, Robert Baron, Mark Duncan, Samuel Rutherford, James Dundas (first Lord Arniston), George Mackenzie, James Dalrymple (Viscount Stair), and William Chalmers.


1957 ◽  
Vol 13 (2) ◽  
pp. 141-174 ◽  
Author(s):  
Lino G. Canedo

IT is well-known that the Franciscans had a very considerable influence on the history of America. From the days of the conquest up to the present time, their labors have been outstanding in the sphere of American spiritual life by their extensiveness, their intensity, and their brilliance. In the missionary field, Franciscan activity was particularly conspicuous. Up to the end of the sixteenth century, the Franciscan missions were almost as numerous as those of all the rest of the religious orders together; Franciscan primacy was maintained in the seventeenth century, and from 1767 onwards nearly all the missions among the pagans, both in North and South America, remained in their hands, once the Society of Jesus had been suppressed.


1969 ◽  
Vol 10 (1) ◽  
pp. 35-64
Author(s):  
Edward Walsh ◽  
Ann Forster

This is not a family history of the Brandlings of Northumberland from their first appearance in history in the sixteenth century, for they were not a staunch Catholic family with a record of determined recusancy. The Brandlings had Catholic leanings in the mid-sixteenth century, and two of the family were recusants. By the early seventeenth century, however, the family appears to have conformed entirely. And then in the second half of the century the main branch and their cousins of Hoppen and Alnwick Whitehouse appear as Catholics, most probably as the result of Catholic marriages in the previous generation. A century later, and the main branch had conformed, and the junior branches had died out. The Brandlings were therefore a “fringe” recusant family, but even so they had a certain impact on the Catholic life of the North, and their history is not without interest for students of recusancy.


Sign in / Sign up

Export Citation Format

Share Document