scholarly journals KRISIS POLITIK DI KALIMANTAN BARAT 1950: SUATU PROSES MENUJU INTEGRASI KE DALAM REPUBLIK INDONESIA

2021 ◽  
Vol 13 (2) ◽  
pp. 225
Author(s):  
Mohammad Rikaz Prabowo ◽  
Aman Aman
Keyword(s):  
Political Crisis ◽  
The Political ◽  
National Committee ◽  
The West ◽  
West Kalimantan ◽  
The Status ◽  
The Republic ◽  
Political Groups ◽  
General Strike ◽  
Special Region

This event was based on the background of competition between political groups after the recognition of Indonesian sovereignty on December 27, 1949, namely the pro-integration groups into the Republik of Indonesia through the West Kalimantan National Committee (KNKB), with those who wanted to maintain the status of the Special Region of West Kalimantan (DIKB) within the framework of a systemized Federal RIS. This competition resulted in a political crisis that affected the entire province. The republicans in the KNKB demanden the DIKB Government that West Kalimantan be part of the Republic of Indonesia. This desire was responded coldly, even though the DIKB figures rejected the entry of the TNI. This sparked demonstration that led to the arrest of republicans and a general strike which resulted in a political crisis. The political crisis subsided after the arrival of the RIS and DPR-RIS Commissioners. The arrest of Sultan Hamid II on April 5 1950 paralyzed DIKB and accelerated joining the Republic of Indonesia.

Land Reform in Zimbabwe: a Balance of Political Expediency and Economic Inevitability?

2020 ◽  
pp. 14-29
Author(s):  
Lyubov Prokopenko
Keyword(s):  
Land Reform ◽  
Union Leader ◽  
Political Crisis ◽  
The Political ◽  
African Region ◽  
Political Aspect ◽  
National Union ◽  
Reform Program ◽  
The Republic ◽  
The Government

The article considers the political aspect of land reform in the Republic of Zimbabwe. The problem of land reform has been one of the crucial ones in the history of this African country, which celebrated 40 years of independence on April 18, 2020. In recent decades, it has been constantly in the spotlight of political and electoral processes. The land issue was one of the key points of the political program from the very beginning of Robert Mugabe’s reign in 1980. The political aspect of land reform began to manifest itself clearly with the growth of the opposition movement in the late 1990s. In 2000–2002 the country implemented the Fast Track Land Reform Program (FTLRP), the essence of which was the compulsory acquisition of land from white owners without compensation. The expropriation of white farmers’ lands in the 2000s led to a serious reconfiguration of land ownership, which helped to maintain in power the ruling party, the African National Union of Zimbabwe – Patriotic Front (ZANU – PF). The government was carrying out its land reform in the context of a sharp confrontation with the opposition, especially with the Party for the Movement for Democratic Change (MDC), led by trade union leader Morgan Tsvangirai. The land issue was on the agenda of all the election campaigns (including the elections in July 2018); this fact denotes its politicization, hence the timeliness of this article. The economic and political crisis in Zimbabwe in the 2000–2010s was the most noticeable phenomenon in the South African region. The analysis of foreign and domestic sources allows us to conclude that the accelerated land reform served as one of its main triggers. The practical steps of the new Zimbabwean president, Mr. Emmerson Mnangagwa, indicate that he is aware of the importance of resolving land reform-related issues for further economic recovery. At the beginning of March 2020, the government adopted new regulations defining the conditions for compensation to farmers. On April 18, 2020, speaking on the occasion of the 40th anniversary of the independence of Zimbabwe, Mr. E. Mnangagwa stated that the land reform program remains the cornerstone of the country’s independence and sovereignty.

scholarly journals Bodily abjection and the politics of resistance in Tom Paulin’s Greek tragedies

2020 ◽  
Author(s):  
Isabelle Torrance
Keyword(s):  
Open Channel ◽  
Radical Change ◽  
Status Quo ◽  
The Political ◽  
Northern Irish ◽  
The Status ◽  
Politics Of Resistance ◽  
The Impact ◽  
Political Groups ◽  
Political Actions

Abstract Tom Paulin’s Greek tragedies present extremes of bodily abjection in order to service of a politics of resistance that is tied, in each case, to the political context of the drama’s production. The Riot Act (1984), Seize the Fire (1989), and Medea (2010), share a focus on the degradation of oppressed political groups and feature characters who destabilize the status quo. Yet the impact of disruptive political actions is not ultimately made clear. We are left wondering at the conclusion of each tragedy if the momentous acts of defiance we have witnessed have any power to create systemic change within politically rigged systems. The two 1980s plays are discussed together and form a sequence, with The Riot Act overtly addressing the Northern Irish conflict and Seize the Fire encompassing a broader sweep of oppressive regimes. The politics of discrimination in Medea are illuminated by comparison with similar themes in Paulin’s Love’s Bonfire (2010). Unlike other Northern Irish adaptations of Greek tragedy, Paulin’s dramas, arrested in their political moments, present little hope for the immediate future. Yet in asking us to consider if individual sacrifice is enough to achieve radical change they maintain an open channel for political discourse.

scholarly journals Clan hierarchy as the basis of the “tulip revolution” in Kyrgyzstan

2019 ◽  
Vol 11 (2) ◽  
pp. 161-171
Author(s):  
S. A. Voronin ◽  
E. A. Bakina
Keyword(s):  
Political Competition ◽  
Political Crisis ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Systems ◽  
Protest Movements ◽  
Coup D'etat ◽  
The North ◽  
External Forces ◽  
Political Groups ◽  
North And South

In 2005, the so-called Tulip Revolution took place in Kyrgyzstan. In terms of form and content, the events that took place in Kyrgyzstan fully fit into the concept of protest movements (velvet, melon, jasmine and other revolutions) that unfolded at the end of the 20th and beginning of the 21st centuries. The start to such “revolutions” aimed at changing the regime was given in 1953, when the Prime Minister of Iran Mossadyk was removed from power during the coup d’etat, which was supervised by the CIA. An analysis of the events in Kyrgyzstan showed that behind the coup that led to the overthrow of President Askar Akayev, there were external forces coordinating their efforts in accordance with the methodological recommendations of the American technologist of political coups Gene Sharpe. However, external actions, for all their significance, did not become the main cause of the Tulip Revolution, but acted only as a catalyst. Over the centuries, in Kyrgyzstan there has been a complex of internal contradictions between various political groups, which became the detonator of a political cataclysm in 2005. One of the most significant internal causes of the political crisis of 2005 was the clan rivalry of the North and South in the struggle for power. The clan hierarchy has been the foundation of the political systems of Central Asia for centuries; Kyrgyzstan was no exception. The article is devoted to the consideration of the mechanism of the clan hierarchy, the analysis of political competition between the North and the South, the role and importance of clans during the 2005 coup.

scholarly journals Ustav, populizam i kraj liberalne demokracije - "referendumanija" ugrožava temelje ustavnog poretka

2019 ◽  
Vol 56 (4) ◽  
pp. 761-784
Author(s):  
Branko Smerdel
Keyword(s):  
Political System ◽  
The Political ◽  
Constitutional Democracy ◽  
Political Struggle ◽  
Checks And Balances ◽  
The People ◽  
Long Time ◽  
The Republic ◽  
Parliamentary Supremacy ◽  
Political Groups

Democracies are at risk to be strangled by the populist demagogues, posturing as the only and true leaders of 'the people', while disregarding constitutional "structure of liberty", meaning that, the parliamentary supremacy, judicial review and, above all, the constitutional limits to the very direct decision making by the voters' constituencies. Referenda are being used ever more, often to push certain decision, which could not pass the parliament. The claim is that there must not be any limits to the power of the people. That phenomenon the most esteemed liberal magazine "The Economist" nicknamed coining the word "referendumania", apparently combining 'a mania' with 'referenda'. It has been received with a lot of sympathy by the general public, in circumstances when the television and the Internet shows all the misery of the numerous assemblies, not only in a new but also in the mature democracies. After the referendum on the Brexit has been used as an instrument of the political struggle in the mother of parliaments, Great Britain, which lead to the ongoing "melting down" of the highly valued British political system, it seems that the worst of prophecies are realized by advancing populist forces in a number of Euroepan states. Republic of Croatia has been for a long time exposed to such treats, by the political groups extremely opposed to governmental policies, first by the Catholic conservatives and most recently by the trade unionists. Due to the very inadequate regulation of the referenda on civil initiatives, whereas the decision is to be made by a majority of those who vote, without any quorum being provided, the posibilites of manipulation are enormous. In the lasting confusion, a number of politicians has already proclaimed their intention, if elected the president of the Republic, to use such a referendum in order to remove all the checks and balances between the chief of state and "the people". Taking such treats very seriously in the existing crisis of democracy, the author emphasizes hi plead for an interparty agreement which would enable the referendum to be properly regulated and thus incorporated into the system of a democratic constitutional democracy.

The Initial Soviet Reaction to the Events in China in and the Prospects for Sino-Soviet Relations

1991 ◽  
Vol 125 ◽  
pp. 119-136 ◽  
Author(s):  
Alexander Lukin
Keyword(s):  
Public Opinion ◽  
North Korea ◽  
Prime Minister ◽  
East Germany ◽  
The Political ◽  
Considerable Influence ◽  
The West ◽  
Political Position ◽  
Litmus Test ◽  
Political Groups

The tragic events in China of June 1989 have had a considerable influence on the development of the international situation and have triggered a stormy reaction from public opinion in many countries. The stand on the Tiananmen tragedy has become a litmus test of the political position of governments, parties and groupings in a number of states. China's prime minister Li Peng declared in the wake of the events that they had demonstrated who was a true friend of China. A closer study of the issue would reveal that these events in fact led to a situation whereby “friends” and “enemies” (if we agree to identify China's “friends” and “enemies” with those of her premier) reversed roles. Whereas all governments and public and political groups in the west, including some orthodox communist parties, were united in their condemnation of Beijing, China's former opponents whom she used to label as “regional hegemonists,” such as Cuba and Vietnam, as well as East Germany and North Korea who have similar regimes, assured Beijing of their support for its actions.

scholarly journals Strike Action and Working-Class Politics on Clydeside 1914–1919

1990 ◽  
Vol 35 (1) ◽  
pp. 33-70 ◽  
Author(s):  
John Foster
Keyword(s):  
Working Class ◽  
Labour Force ◽  
The Political ◽  
Class Politics ◽  
The West ◽  
Strike Activity ◽  
Social Democratic ◽  
Labour Relations ◽  
Structural Weakness ◽  
General Strike

SUMMARYThe record of strike activity on Clydeside is used to explore the interaction between workplace organisation and political attitudes in working-class communities, focussing in particular upon the shipyard labour force in the years immediately preceding the 1919 General Strike. The findings are used to question research by Iain McLean which minimised the political significance of industrial militancy during the period of the Red Clyde and that by Alastair Reid, which argued that the main consequences of wartime industrial experience were to strengthen social democratic perspectives. It is suggested that a limited but significant radicalisation did occur and that this was related to the specific labour relations practices of employers in the west of Scotland and the structural weakness of Clydeside's economy.

scholarly journals Albania Between the Crisis of the Parliamentary Dialectic and the Dominant Role of the Government

2021 ◽  
Vol 10 (4) ◽  
pp. 43
Author(s):  
Sokol Pacukaj ◽  
Renata Tokrri
Keyword(s):  
Dominant Role ◽  
Historical Memory ◽  
Executive Power ◽  
Political Crisis ◽  
The Political ◽  
Considerable Controversy ◽  
The Republic ◽  
The Government ◽  
Head Of Government

The last years of Albanian parliamentary life were marked by a profound crisis. The parliament, not only had the task of managing a constitutional reform that brought the entire judicial system to its knees, transforming the vetting process into a reform with uncertain results, but also the political crisis, or rather the political-institutional stalemate for leaving the mandates of opposition parliamentarians.The failure to reach the quorum provided by the Constitution of the Republic of Albania, it raises considerable controversy over the legitimacy of the supreme authority and therefore on the legitimacy of institutions that depend on parliamentary votes, such as the election of constitutional judges. At the same time, when the "united opposition" left parliament, the new opposition was trying to keep up with parliamentary dialectics. Moreover, in recent years of parliamentary "identity crisis", the majority have resembled a "group of soldiers" under the command of the Prime Minister. Clearly, Parliament has weakened, lost its value, leading to a strengthening of the executive power, more precisely a strengthening of the figure of the head of government. Without a doubt, the crisis of Parliament translates into an inability of the people's representatives to solve the problems that are present in civil society. Consequently, the crisis of Parliament means a "silent people", a "mute people".The purpose of this document is the constitutional-philosophical analysis of historical memory of the role of Parliament in Albania from the Declaration of Independence to the present day. Perhaps historical memory is the key to reading the present and to better understand the crisis that Albanian Parliament has been going through in recent years.   Received: 4 March 2021 / Accepted: 6 May 2021 / Published: 8 July 2021

scholarly journals КОНСТИТУЦИЯ РЕСПУБЛИКИ КАЗАХСТАН: ЕДИНСТВО, УСТОЙЧИВОСТЬ И ПРОЦВЕТАНИЕ (CONSTITUTION OF THE REPUBLIC OF KAZAKHSTAN: UNITY, SUSTAINABILITY AND PROSPERITY)

2020 ◽  
Author(s):  
Venera Nauryzova ◽  
Umit Kairova
Keyword(s):  
Public Relations ◽  
Social Relations ◽  
Political System ◽  
Legal Status ◽  
The Political ◽  
Government Agencies ◽  
The Status ◽  
The Media ◽  
The Republic ◽  
State Organizations

The article examines the history of the development of the Constitution and the status of constitutional values, the rule of law. The foundations of the constitutional reform have been determined. The political system of the state is clearly spelled out in our constitution. At the same time, this law for the first time describes the core of the political system - the presidential system. Today we can say that our Constitution and laws allow us to stimulate creativity and entrepreneurship. This norm defines the main purpose, the scope of public relations to be regulated by constitutional laws, laws, Presidential Decrees, regulations of government agencies of the Republic of Kazakhstan. Attention should be paid to the role, meaning and features of the Constitution of the Republic of Kazakhstan as the main document of the country. In addition, it tells about the adoption of our Constitution, its achievements, measures to prove that Kazakhstan is a legal state. As soon as the draft of the new Constitution was published in the media for public discussion, it can be said that in fact the whole country began its work. It is said that the Constitution of the Republic is the initiator of a new stage of constitutional development, which has a high legal force and stability, strengthens and regulates the basic social relations in the field of legal status of citizens, civil society institutions, state organizations and government agencies.

scholarly journals Economy of Belarus under Conditions of Political Instability

2021 ◽  
pp. 72-81
Author(s):  
A. Shurubovich
Keyword(s):  
Presidential Elections ◽  
Political Instability ◽  
Political Crisis ◽  
The Political ◽  
Negative Consequences ◽  
The West ◽  
Skilled Personnel ◽  
Economic Indices ◽  
Near Future

The article examines development of economic situation in Belarus in the period of political instability connected with the presidential elections on August 9, 2020 and mass protests against supposed falsification of their results. Condition of the Byelorussian economy on the eve of political crisis is presented including major directions of influence of this crisis on the economy; growth of financial instability, strikes at enterprises, skilled personnel drain, sanction pressure on the part of the West. It is shown that the political crisis in the RB, despite many forecasts, has not provoked so far an economic chock in the country, but in a long-term perspective it may have serious negative consequences. Therefore achievement of high economic indices projected by the country’s leadership in the near future seems highly problematic.

scholarly journals Geopolitical Location of the Republic of Azerbaijan: temporal and Spatial Changes

2020 ◽  
pp. 246-260
Author(s):  
Aydin I. Ibrahimov ◽  
◽  
Gulzar M. Ismaylova ◽  
Keyword(s):  
The West ◽  
Sovereign State ◽  
Fixed Element ◽  
Republican Period ◽  
The Third ◽  
Spatial Changes ◽  
The Status ◽  
Similarities And Differences ◽  
Temporal And Spatial ◽  
The Republic

For instance, the evolution of the Republic of Azerbaijan was examined in three different periods. The first one is the republican period (1918–1920); the second one is the sovereign state period (1920–1991); and the third one is the period since 1991. Each period was compared with the others and the similarities and differences experienced in the geopolitics of the country were evaluated. Three main lines are clearly seen in the geopolitics conducted approximately throughout the last century by different Azerbaijans. Firstly, the main geopolitical competitor is the Republic of Armenia; secondly, the competition taking place in the region between Russia and the West creates the atmosphere which influences the geopolitical behaviors; and thirdly, the fixed element which determines the status of the country is the energy resources.

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