scholarly journals What I saw of the revolution: Reflections of a corporate environmental manager in the 1990s BC coastal forest industry

2000 ◽  
Vol 76 (2) ◽  
pp. 263-274 ◽  
Author(s):  
Linda Coady
Keyword(s):  
Vice President ◽  
Forest Industry ◽  
Coastal Forest ◽  
Competition And Cooperation ◽  
Global Environmental ◽  
Ideological Polarization ◽  
Two Sides ◽  
The Revolution

Did MacMillan Bloedel really end the "war in the woods?" After years of intense battling, Greenpeace brought out the champagne for MB's June 1998 announcement of a new direction in forestry. In January 1999, Tomorrow Magazine, a global environmental business publication produced in Sweden, named MB "Company of the Year." MacMillan Bloedel Vice President Linda Coady, a key player in the company's remarkable turnaround, says that behind the scenes, the conflict continues. And surprisingly, she says it's appropriate and even beneficial to sustain debate over BC's forests – although on a different plane, where competition and cooperation are seen as two sides of the same coin, and where ideological polarization is replaced by the kind of relationships that can deal with complexity.

scholarly journals Mobilisasi Politik Kelompok Kepentingan Dalam Pilpres 2014 Di Desa Dasan Borok (Studi Nahdlatul Wathan)

POPULIKA ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 9 (2) ◽  
pp. 60-69
Author(s):  
Syamsul Mukhlisin
Keyword(s):  
Qualitative Research ◽  
Participant Observation ◽  
Vice President ◽  
Domain Analysis ◽  
Political Mobilization ◽  
Research Approach ◽  
Group Interest ◽  
Analysis Technique ◽  
Two Sides

Abstraksi Nahdlatul Wathan merupakan suatu kelompok kepentingan yang melakukan mobilisasi politik terhadap masyarakat desa Dasan Borok pada saat Pemilu PILPRES RI 2014. Mobilisasi politik ini dilakukan karena Nahdlatul Wathan adalah salah satu pengusung pasangan kandidat calon Presiden dan Wakil Presiden RI 2014. Terpecahnya Nahdlatul Wathan menjadi dua Pengurusan Besar berdampak pada perbedaan dukungan terhadap pasangan kandidat calon Presiden dan Wakil Presiden RI 2014 seperti Nahdlatul Wathan Pancor mengusung pasangan Prabowo-Hatta dan Nahdlatul Wathan Anjani mengusung Pasangan Jokowi-JK dan masing-masing kubu memiliki massa yang besar di desa Dasan Borok. Adapun tujuan dilakukannya penelitian ini adalah untuk mengetahui “Peran Kelompok Kepentingan Dalam Memobilisasi Politik Masyarakat Desa Dasan Borok Pada PILPRES 2014”. Dalam memetakan masalah dari penelitian yang bersetting di desa Dasan Borok, Kec. Suralaga ini, maka peneliti menggunakan pendekatan metode penelitian kualitatif dengan jenis penelitian deskriptif dengan tujuan agar data yang disajikan relevan dengan pendekatan yang dipakai. Adapun tekhnik yang dipakai dalam penelitian ini menggunakan tekhnik purposive sampeling. Di samping itu untuk meningkatkan kevalidan data yang diperoleh, maka penelitian ini menggunakan tekhnik pengumpulan data observasi berbentuk participant observation dan wawancara tidak terstruktur serta dokumentasi dengan teknik analisis domain (domain analysis). Dari hasil temuan di lapangan dapat dideskripsikan bahwa PILPRES RI 2014 dipandang sebagai arena pertarungan oleh dua kubu Nahdlatul Wathan selaku kelompok kepentingan karena perbedaan usungan kandidat pasangan calon Presiden dan Wakil Presiden. Sebagai Kelompok Kepentingan, Nahdlatul Wathan berperan sebagai tim sukses dengan menggunakan peran dakwah sebagai media untuk melakukan mobilisasi politiknya terhadap masyarakat desa Dasan Borok pada PILPRES 2014. Hal ini terlihat ketika Nahdlatul Wathan mengadakan pengajian akbar maupun lawatan-lawatan agama dengan menghadirkan pasangan calon presiden yang diusungnya dengan dihadiri oleh ribuan jamaah NW maupun sosialisasi pasangan kandidat ketengah masyarakat yang dilakukan oleh pengurus NW ditingkat cabang dan ranting yang ada di desa Dasan Borok. Kata Kunci: Kelompok Kepentingan, Pilpres, dan Nahdlatul Wathan  Abstract Nahdlatul Wathan is a group interest conducting political mobilization on the society in Dasan Borok in president election in 2014. It is done because Nahdlatul Wathan is a group that brings the candidate of president and vice president of RI in 2014. Nahdlatul Wathan becomes two managing committee which affects the support of the president and the vice candidate of RI in 2014. Nahdlatul Wathan Pancor carried Prabowo-Hatta and Nahdlatul Wathan Anjani carried Jokowi-JK, and each group has a great amount of mass in Dasan Borok. This research purposed at knowing “the role of political mobilizationof group interest in the president election in 2014 in Dasan Borok”. This research is a qualitative research approach utilizing descriptive in order the data is relevant. The technique used is purposive sampling.  The data collection used is observation in from of participant observation, unstructured interview as well as documentation using domain analysis technique. Based on the found data, it can be described that the president’s election of RI 2014 seemed to be a strange struggling arena done by two sides group of Nahdlatul Wathan as the group interest. As the group interest, Nahdlatul Wathan personated as the success team, it was done through religious endeavor or dakwah in the society in Dasan Borok in president’s election of RI 2014. It can be seen when Nahdlatul Wathan held a great meeting (great religious endeavor) as well as a visit of the candidate of the        presidents. It was also done by the chapter and the subsection of NW in Dasan Borok. Keyword: Group Interest, President Election (Pilpres), Nahdlatul Wathan

The Parting of Ways between ʿAlid Shiʿism and Abbasid Shiʿism: An Analysis of the Missives between the Caliph al-Manṣūr and Muḥammad al-Nafs al-Zakiyya

2019 ◽  
Vol 6 (2) ◽  
pp. 209-227
Author(s):  
D.G. Tor
Keyword(s):  
Turning Point ◽  
Close Reading ◽  
Religious Ideology ◽  
Two Sides ◽  
The Revolution

Abstract The Abbasid Revolution rode to power on a religious ideology based upon ʿAlī’s legitimacy and the Abbasid Muḥammad b. ʿAlī’s supposed appointment as imam by ʿAlī’s grandson Abū Hāshim. In the wake of the Revolution, however, the differences between the Hāshimiyya and purely ʿAlid branches of the proto-Shiʿa came to a head. This article demonstrates that the pivotal theological turning point occurred in the year 145/762, as a result of the revolt of the Ḥasanid Muḥammad al-Nafs al-Zakiyya. The article’s close reading of the arguments adduced in the purported correspondence between the two sides, preserved uniquely in al-Ṭabarī’s chronicle, reveals why in the wake of this revolt the Abbasids ultimately found the legitimating theology of their original daʿwa to be untenable.

Ideological aspects: a revaluation of ritual

1966 ◽  
Vol 251 (772) ◽  
pp. 443-446
Keyword(s):  
Civil Wars ◽  
Public Mind ◽  
The Public ◽  
The Past ◽  
Classical Myth ◽  
The Times ◽  
Catholic Tradition ◽  
The Masses ◽  
Two Sides ◽  
The Revolution

Ritual ‘tends to be derided or discarded as the rationalization of society develops’ (Dr Bernstein). Probably to most people in our own society the word suggests what goes on in church or the starchy behaviour of stuffed shirts or gleams of the picturesque and remote woven quaintly into the routine of established institutions. That is to say, it suggests the marginal or the irrelevant, or else the Catholic tradition of religious worship. However, it might be more realistic to think instead of the Chinese in the contemporary act of translating into myth the saga of the revolution: ‘The long battle of the Chinese, first against their foreign enemies and then in the communist phase in three successive civil wars, has been made into a long musical epic which is now to be filmed. It is displayed in exhibits in the new museum of the revolution; it makes the background for songs and stories, the reference point for exhortations and reproach. The past is deliberately kept fresh in the public mind and it is presented with two sides. The embattled, slow triumph of the revolution, and the long prostration of China, mauled and humiliated, the masses wretched and silenced; that too is real to the Chinese.’ ( The Times , 27 April 1965). Here is the classical myth-ritual complex in current idiomatic form.

scholarly journals Interior spaces as traces in Balzac’s La Comédie humaine

2017 ◽  
Vol 3 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Dominique Bauer
Keyword(s):  
Literary Representation ◽  
The Past ◽  
Interior Spaces ◽  
Comedie Humaine ◽  
Mental Space ◽  
Two Sides ◽  
The Revolution

Abstract This article focuses on how Balzacian interiors and their dwellers signal a new experience and understanding of the past and the present that emerged during the Revolution and its aftermath. In this context, two interiors are analyzed: the interior of the Hôtel d’Esgrignon in Le Cabinet des Antiques and the antique shop passage in La Peau de chagrin. Both literary interiors in different ways embody traces of an “absent present” and constitute a solipsist mimesis of reciprocity between dweller and dwelling. These literary interiors signal fundamental aspects of a century that was marked by the loss of the past to history and by the experience of present time as but an elusive, fragile trace. Like the two sides of the same coin, this was also the time of vivification of absent images that are simulated, imitated in interiors of presentification, like the stereographic cabinet or the panoramic theatre. These interiors radicalize the traditional cabinet and its imagery, like Walter Benjamin’s typification of the window shop and the panoramic theatre would show. The Hôtel d’Esgrignon substantiates an absence-less presence with reality. Balzac conceives the mimetic relationship between the cénacle des antiques and its Hôtel as a sophisticated subtext that reveals the illusionary nature of the ambition to establish such an absolute present. Those who reside in the Hôtel constitute the object-like and lifeless parody of a dynamics of representation played out and that reveals the fundamental absence they stand for. In La Peau de chagrin, isolated objects are fragmented, eclectic bits and pieces of representations that are vivified, and not imitated, by imagination. The cabinet as a place that is the objects it arranges and shows, is internalized as a mental space of imagination, of hyperbolic possibilities of representational assemblage. The hybridity of its visitor is that of imagination itself being represented. Here, Balzac points forward to a literary development in which spatial settings, par excellence that of a vast, fantastic, endless space, will become an image of (literary) representation itself. This paper is published as part of a collection on interiorities.

scholarly journals Creating win-wins in BC's forests... Taking on the sacred cows

2003 ◽  
Vol 79 (3) ◽  
pp. 659-663 ◽  
Author(s):  
Paul McElligott
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
The United States ◽  
Forest Industry ◽  
Coastal Forest ◽  
Forest Land ◽  
Total Revenue ◽  
Publicly Traded ◽  
Private Lands ◽  
Commercial Forest ◽  
Industry Peers

TimberWest Forest Corporation became Canada's only publicly traded private timberland investment vehicle in 1997. In addition to private lands, the company holds two renewable Tree Farm Licenses and other public tenures. Revenues from logging represent 80% of the company's total revenue. The company has outperformed its industry peers in Canada and the United States. This success is attributed to the predominance of private lands in the company's business mix and to its ability to export logs off these lands. A case is presented for privatization of some, if not all, commercial forest land in British Columbia. Key words: log exports, privatization, coastal forest industry, industry restructuring

scholarly journals Excavations at Levan Castle, Gourock, 1966 & 1970-72

1989 ◽  
Vol 16 (1) ◽  
pp. 55-80
Author(s):  
Peter C. Denholm ◽  
E. McCartney ◽  
M. C. Jarvis ◽  
J. Davis ◽  
J. H. Dickson
Keyword(s):  
Vice President ◽  
First Year ◽  
Large Collection ◽  
Documentary Sources ◽  
Animal Bone ◽  
History Of ◽  
Medieval Pottery ◽  
Medieval Archaeology ◽  
Two Sides ◽  
Kitchen Midden

Summary In 1970 Renfrewshire Planning Authority were concerned with proposals to develop part of the Levan estate for new housing, and wished to know the probable extent of the former barmkin and outbuildings. A three-season excavation was arranged and supervised by the writer, with the advice in the first year of Eric J. Talbot, then lecturer in medieval archaeology at Glasgow, and thereafter with the advice and support of the late Mrs. Anne Halifax-Crawford, Hon. Vice-President of this society and a member of the Renfrewshire Heritage Committee. The writer however claims any mistakes herein as his own. Apart from identifying two sides of the barmkin, the operation produced an interesting range of late medieval pottery, including continental imports, and a large collection of animal bone from the kitchen midden, indicating contemporary diet (Appendix I). The report is prefaced by a brief history of the building and its owners as far as is ascertainable from documentary sources, which in this case provide as much tentative dating information as the excavation.

Economic and Political Aspects of Development in Brazil—and U.S. Aid

1969 ◽  
Vol 11 (2) ◽  
pp. 186-208 ◽  
Author(s):  
John Wills Tuthill
Keyword(s):  
Vice President ◽  
Sao Paulo ◽  
São Paulo ◽  
The Past ◽  
Limited Period ◽  
Brazilian Politics ◽  
The Revolution

To say that the Brazilian scene has been volatile—politically and economically—during the past ten years is to risk an understatement. A mere listing of the presidents of Brazil during this limited period illustrates the point. It begins with the enormously popular— then and now—Juscelino Kubitschek, who represented the industrialization of Brazil and the move away from the coast with the decision to create a new capital in Brasilia. Then, the overwhelming electoral victory of Jânio Quadros—the enigma of Brazilian politics who had been such a successful Mayor and Governor of São Paulo only to resign the presidency after six months for reasons that still remain unclear today. Next came the then Vice President João Goulart, who was visiting Red China when he heard he was to become President. Although his powers were curtailed before he was allowed to take office, he served long enough to create an impression of corruption and leftward drift and the reality of almost runaway inflation—factors which led to the revolution of March, 1964, and the administration of Marshal Castello Branco.

scholarly journals Kurdistan Writers' Union Its Foundation, Activities and Dissolution

2021 ◽  
Vol 8 (2) ◽  
pp. 469-486
Author(s):  
Dilshad Ali Muhammed ◽  
Nawzad Ali Ahmed
Keyword(s):  
Democratic Party ◽  
The Subject ◽  
First Time ◽  
Two Sides ◽  
The Revolution

The ceasefire between the Kurdistan Democratic Party-Iraq and the Baathist government in 1974 came to an end, and fighting between the two sides resumed. The war lasted another eleven months. At the start of the war, a group of writers and artists reached out to areas controlled by the revolution and formed organizations. Many of them were members of the Kurdish Writers' Union and They were able to issue 12 of their magazine, but the writers' union was established in Baghdad, not in the revolution. After the collapse of 1975 and the resumption of the new revolution in the areas under Peshmerga control, especially in the early 1980s, for the first time in the battlefields of resistance and defense in Kurdistan, a special organization for writers and writers was established, called the Kurdistan Writers' Union.. The Kurdistan Writers' Union's establishment and activities were addressed in this study, and the reason for its cancellation was clarified. The first section of the study, which was split into two sections, focused on the efficiency and explanations for the organization's formation. The publication chosen by the Kurdistan Writers' Union through a series of criteria is the subject of the second part of the study.

The Tories and the Dissenters in the Reign of George I

2019 ◽  
pp. 122-144
Author(s):  
Nigel Aston
Keyword(s):  
Values And Beliefs ◽  
Two Sides ◽  
The Revolution

The gulf in values and beliefs between Tories and Dissenters on the death of Queen Anne in 1714 stood wider than it had done at any point since the Revolution of 1688–9. This essay looks for any signs and symbols of accommodation between the Tories and the Dissenters in the reign of George I (and, per contra, for evidence of enduring hostilities) and poses the underlying question: how far did these two sides remain un-reconciled throughout the reign? It suggests grounds for arguing that the gap between them narrowed as the Hanoverian Succession bedded in: more moderate Tories and Dissenters moved into the religio-political mainstream as the Whigs consolidated their hold on power, their numbers declined, and issues such as toleration that had mattered so much in the 1700s and 1710s became less pressing and receded in public importance.

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