Structural Poverty: Do Subsidies and Donations Increase Poverty?

2008 ◽  
pp. 124-151
Keyword(s):  
Author(s):  
Natan M. Meir

This chapter examines the hekdesh, one of the grimmest institutions in East European Jewish society. The hekdesh, or Jewish hospital-cum-poorhouse, is a somewhat elusive historical phenomenon but also a useful venue for analyzing traditional forms of Jewish charity in the Russian Empire as well as the dynamics of social marginality among Russian and Polish Jews. The chapter first considers an important characteristic of Jewish charity—the tendency to distinguish between conjunctural poverty and structural poverty—before discussing the hekdesh as an institution. In particular, it describes efforts to transform the hekdesh into a true medical institution and its incarnation in the late nineteenth century as a place for beggars and other cast-offs of society, with only a nominal connection to caring for the sick. It also explains how the hekdesh may have served to perpetuate the problem of begging and vagrancy.


Author(s):  
Enrique Del Percio

In 1976, a terrible dictatorship was established in Argentina, even before Foucault claimed with crystal clarity that the fundamental difference between classical liberalism and neoliberalism was the substitution of the homo economicus −related to the exchange− by the homo economicus as entrepreneur of himself (lecture delivered on 14 March 1979); and also before Margaret Thatcher (in Ronald Butt’s interview, Sunday Times, 3 May 1981) confirmed Foucault´s analysis stating that: “Economics are the method; the object is to change the heart and soul”. In the same year, Milton Friedman received the Nobel Prize in Economics. The explicit purpose of the Military Junta was to promote a profound cultural transformation, based on the premise that the causes of the alleged “underdevelopment” were not so much economical but cultural and political. Nevertheless, as García Delgado and Molina (2006) pointed out, the problem is not related to a sort of inevitable structural poverty, due to the culture of our people. It is a matter of a decline in society, produced by the policy orientation of the dictatorship. Until then, the income distribution was similar to that of the countries from the Southern Europe with an almost frictional unemployment. Until the coup d’état, Argentina had a poverty rate of 8% and the best distributive structure of income in Latin America. However, 1976 was a turning point; the surge of the neoliberal model promoted a process of over-indebtedness, wealth concentration, unrestricted opening of markets with an unfavourable exchange rate for national industry, labour flexibilization, with the insertion in a competitive globalization of “savage capitalism” that “strengthened the asymmetries and transfers of resources from the periphery to the centre. This concept differs from thinking about inequality as a problem related to culture, corruption and poor institutional quality” (García Delgado, 2006).Despite the overwhelming adverse evidence, it is still a commonplace to blame all the ills of our society on that culture, the maximum expression of which would be Peronism. In fact, the great majority of disappeared people during the dictatorship were Peronist political, trade union and social leaders. The motto of the Ministry of Economics during the dictatorship was “towards a change of mentality”. The current Argentine situation, in terms of advances of neoliberalism as well as resistances to it, cannot be understood without referring to the dictatorship. In Poratti words, “the coup d’état of 1976 does not only put an end to a government, a political system and project, but also to a 'world' in which Argentinians were living at least from the independence project of 1810. In those days, there was not an abrupt differentiation between generations and, in many aspects, people could identify themselves, diachronically, with a historical line beyond the particular generational characteristics” (Various Authors, 2009).These aspects go along with others that appeared in other areas, such as the implementation of new computer and communication technologies and, as a consequence, individual and social fragmentation. The impact of these technologies on daily life was decisive to the emergence of what some authors, like Sloterdijk (2002), called “mass individualism.” No doubt, this is a necessary aspect to explain the rise of the neoliberal subjectivity in developed countries. Yet, in Argentina, the existence of political, social, trade-union and ecclesiastical movements based on popular roots, with solidarity as a fundamental value, hampered the conquest of the “heart and soul” in 1976; and they are still now an obstacle to be overcome by sectors interested in imposing a neoliberal model. It is impossible to explain any isolated phenomenon of popular resistance to the hegemonic attempts from neoliberalism without analysing the common conceptions and understandings found in Argentina. Indeed, the popular culture substrate in Argentina is made up, mainly, by the confluence of different cultures: Andean, Guaraní Indians, Afro and Criollo (native). All of them are characterized by their relational and solidarity conceptions, intrinsically opposed to a subjectivity that conceives the individual as an entrepreneur of himself/herself.


Author(s):  
Bruce W. Longenecker

This essay surveys some prominent economic features of the Roman world (e.g., benefaction, patronage, status-capture, and elite allegiance to Rome) and situates the realities of structural poverty within that context. It then underscores some of the economic commitments and strategies that Paul envisioned for Jesus-groups he had founded, noting how the responsible use of economic resources was deeply rooted in his theological programme.


Significance In 2016, the economic downturn boosted unemployment, especially in the manufacturing and construction industries, while inflation undermined real incomes, hitting the poorest households the hardest. The government extended social aid, but this was not enough to prevent a worsening of income distribution and a rise of poverty. Impacts Strike and protest threats are mounting and will force the government to boost social spending to avoid a crisis. Spillover effects from any recovery may improve social indicators but will not overcome high levels of structural poverty. The government is over-optimistic about the extent of recovery in advance of the October elections.


2021 ◽  
Vol 9 (2) ◽  
pp. 577-591
Author(s):  
Ama de-Graft Aikins ◽  
Olutobi Sanuade ◽  
Leonard Baatiema ◽  
Paapa Yaw Asante ◽  
Francis Agyei ◽  
...  

In the African region COVID-19 infection and death rates are increasing (writing in May 2020), most deaths have occurred among individuals with chronic conditions, and poor communities face higher risks of infection and socio-economic insecurities. We assessed the psychosocial needs of a chronic illness support group in Accra, Ghana, within the context of their broader community. The community lives in structural poverty and has a complex burden of infectious and chronic non-communicable diseases (NCDs). Between March and May 2020, we conducted interviews, group discussions, and surveys, with members of the support group and their caregivers, frontline healthcare workers, and religious and community leaders. Data was analysed through the social psychology of participation framework. Community members understood COVID-19 as a new public health threat and drew on eclectic sources of information to make sense of this. Members of the support group had psychosocial and material needs: they were anxious about infection risk as well as money, food and access to NCD treatment. Some community members received government food packages during the lockdown period. This support ended after lockdown in April and while anti-poverty COVID policies have been unveiled they have yet to be implemented. We discuss the impact of these representational, relational and power dynamics on the community’s access to COVID-19 and NCD support. We argue that strategies to address immediate and post-COVID needs of vulnerable communities have to focus on the politics and practicalities of implementing existing rights-based policies that intersect health, poverty reduction and social protection.


2017 ◽  
Vol 2 (1) ◽  
pp. 13
Author(s):  
Taufik Hidayat

Wealth according to the Qur'an: Distribution of current income is a very important thing. If the income distribution is not appropriate to do, then most of the income and resources would be controlled by the capitalist monopolies, resulting in many people remain in poverty despite the country having abundant resources. On these basic considerations can be affirmed that the welfare and prosperity of the people depend on the way how it should be equitable distribution system could be implemented. Islam as a source of value to combine economic development with the religious sector. The activities of distribution of goods and services and income, shall use a value judgment mechanistic determinism of Islam and not the other economic systems such as capitalism and socialism. Separation of positive and normative values lead to human economic activity economic destructive animal. The economic crisis that hit the Indonesian economy is the impact of the application of the system of political, legal, social system, education and the economy are not in accordance with value, impact on damage to ecosystems, forests, water pollution and the environment, and the process of structural poverty.


Author(s):  
Emilce Cuda

This article will try to establish a relationship between economy and religion based on the speech of the new Latin American Pontiff, Pope Francis, for whom the problem of global crisis should not be sought in the economy but in politics. The pontiff believes that the economy should be subordinated to the politics and not the other way around. Trying to find a solution to the global political and economic crisis involves investigating the theological causes that sustain structural poverty. Francisco, as a new prophet in times of capitalism, relying on the documents of the Latin American archbishops, denounces that the lack of work that originates this system originates a culture of death. Political theology can unmask false gods that support this system, and proclaim the importance of a poor working people who must be treated with dignity.


2020 ◽  
Vol 2 (1) ◽  
pp. 170-177
Author(s):  
Fawziah Zahrawati

The phenomenon of feminization of poverty is not a new issue in the context of poverty. Indonesia in history and process has never been free from these problems. Feminization of poverty is the loss of opportunities and freedom of women in determining life choices, thus rendering them unable to obtain educational facilities, basic economics, employment, security protection, and political involvement. Many economic observers at first saw this problem as something always related to economic factors alone. In fact, this happens as a result of cultural poverty and structural poverty which ultimately limits women from accessing existing facilities and resources. Even though various legal foundations have been born to improve gender equality in order to overcome the feminization of poverty, the problem has not yet been solved, due to the community's values and mentality that are still gender biased. Therefore, the effort that must be taken to free the snares of feminization of poverty is to change the values in society and change the structure to be more open to women by providing non-discriminatory education and employment.


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