The Creation of Identity: Colonial Society in Bolivia and Tanzania

1993 ◽  
Vol 35 (2) ◽  
pp. 263-284 ◽  
Author(s):  
Robert H. Jackson ◽  
Gregory Maddox

Many colonial regimes appropriate traditional symbols of power to enhance authority. In many cases this appropriation results in the hardening of more transitory political divisions among subject people into ethnic, national, or tribal ones. Colonialism often, in essence, creates different identities for subject peoples. For example, the East India Company (E.I.C.) and royal colonial government in India manipulated caste and religion to carry out a policy of divide and rule. Moreover, the E.I.C. and later the Raj attempted to create a European-style landed elite that could promote development of agriculture, maintain social control in the countryside and, perhaps most important, collect taxes owed to the government. The Raj attempted to place the structures of power that evolved within the framework of the symbols of Moghul legitimacy, going so far as to create a hybrid traditional style of architecture used in many public buildings that mixed elements from both Hindu and Muslim buildings. In South Africa, colonial legislation, as seen in the process begun by the Glen Gray Act of 1894, resulted in the proletarianization of the African population by creating tribal reservations without enough resources to support all the people often arbitrarily defined as members of a particular tribe. And, as seen in studies of mine labor, coloniallegislation also defined a distinctive legal status for workers.

Literator ◽  
1997 ◽  
Vol 18 (3) ◽  
pp. 1-24 ◽  
Author(s):  
H. Viljoen ◽  
E. Hentschel

In this article the rationale of this special issue is provided and the different contributions are introduced. The assumption is that there are strong similarities between the recent political and social transitions in South Africa and Germany and the reactions, both emotional and literary, of the people involved. Broadly, the transitions are described as a movement from external (or violent) to internal (or ideological) social control, though this must be modified by the various constructions the contributors put on the transition. The main themes and questions of the transitions are synthesized, highlighting the marked similarities the different contributions reveal. The most important of these are the relation to the past, problems of identity, projections of the new and the internal contradictions of nationalist discourse (which informs the process of transition). In conclusion, the similarities and differences between the two transitions indicated by this special issue, are discussed. The assumption of strong similarities between the two seems to hold, it is argued, but much more research into the matter is needed.


Author(s):  
Naomi Lesbatta ◽  
Widhi Handayani ◽  
Pamerdi Giri Wiloso

Buru Regency is one of the rice suppliers in Maluku Province.The achievements of Buru Regency as Maluku rice supplier cannot be separated from its history as a place for people who were exiled in 1969. The presence of these former people has an influence on social change in Buru Island. Located in Waeapo district, Buru regency, this qualitative research was conducted to explain social change in Waeapo, Buru by the former exiles. The results showed that before the former exiles arrived at Buru Island, the Waeapo was dominated by forests, where the local people practiced swidden agriculture. The presence of former exiles in 1969 changed the landscape of Buru from forest to paddyfields by means of forced labor. The forced labor and introduction of new agricultural system are patterns inherited from the colonial government. Nevertheless, in Buru, the harvest was consumed by the exiles instead of handed over to the government as a custom enforced by the colonials. The change in land use eventually changed the shifting cultivation system to permanent agriculture with the lowland rice farming system which is commonly practiced in Java. Ex-exiles were the people used by the New Order government to carry out development in remote areas in the 1969-1979 era until the change of Buru’s landscape, source of staple food, and cultural diversity exist in Waeapo..


2001 ◽  
Vol 4 (1) ◽  
pp. 216-233 ◽  
Author(s):  
D. J. Fourie

Citizen participation on any level of government is timeless. The dynamics and the relationships of citizen participation on all levels are unique, due to the fact that many problems and solutions have their roots in the activities of local government and its administration. Furthermore the extension of democracy to all spheres of society and to all tiers of the administrative hierarchy, have been a central theme of the democratisation process in South Africa. The notion of "bringing the government to the people" is important, not only in strengthening civil society, but also in mobilising the population to implement the programmes of reconstruction and development necessary to transform the civil society.


Animals ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 11 (6) ◽  
pp. 1717
Author(s):  
Jennah Green ◽  
Catherine Jakins ◽  
Louise de Waal ◽  
Neil D’Cruze

African lions (Panthera leo) are commercially farmed across South Africa for sport hunting, tourism, and the international bone trade, primarily in Southeast Asia. Despite its legal status, South Africa’s growing lion farming industry is a contentious issue. In 2020 a high-level panel was initiated to review the policies, legislation, and management regarding the breeding, hunting, trade, and handling of four wildlife species, including lions. In May 2021, it was announced that the government intends to amend existing permit conditions to prohibit lion breeding and tourism interactions with captive lions, as well as to stop issuing permits to new entrants into the industry, effectively ending lion farming. In order to follow this line of action, a comprehensive, well-managed plan will be necessary to execute a responsible exit from the industry as it currently stands. Using a “gap analysis” management tool, we aim to: (1) outline some of the key considerations regarding the current state of the lion farming industry in South Africa; and (2) propose specific action steps that could be taken within five key areas (regulation, animal welfare, health and safety, equitability, and conservation) to help inform a responsible transition away from this type of wildlife farming in the biodiversity economy. For our gap analysis, we conducted a semi-systematic literature search to compile key background information about the current state of the industry. This information was then used to identify corresponding desired management states, and steps that could facilitate a successful phase out of lion farming in South Africa. We hope our approach helps identify key considerations for a responsible transition and can help aid decisions during the management of this process.


2004 ◽  
Vol 7 (4) ◽  
pp. 571-580
Author(s):  
JFE Ohiorhenuan

This is a reflection on the role and relevance of ODA to the collective efforts of the government and the people of South Africa in the reconstruction and development of a post-apartheid society. South Africa needs ODA; it needs ODA of a different kind; the effective coordination and collaborative deployment of the little ODA that comes into the country can play a catalytic role in South Africa’s transformation and socio-economic development processes.


Author(s):  
Mavhungu Elias Musitha

This chapter has argued that South Africa is not xenophobic contrary to media and some scholars' opinions. It has been shown that xenophobia is not only about hatred to foreign nationals but that foreign nationals collude with national ones in forming rival groups to compete for economic gains. This dispels the theory that the country is xenophobic since hatred and fear are not easy to measure. It also offered that contrary to the theory that migration gives rise to xenophobia with movements of the people crossing borders, the real cause of migration in this case is underdevelopment that followed the occupation of the continent by the European countries. The borders they imposed were designed to divide and rule the continent, and Africa must resolve the border issue, the land issue; teach the history of the continent; and hold festivals with SADC countries to show the unity of the continent. The African Union should have a permanent agenda issue on the unity of the continent.


Author(s):  
Sabyasachi Bhattacharya

After the termination of East India Company administration, there was an attempt to put in order the records of the Government of India. Since the issue of expenditure and financial stringency comes up repeatedly in the discussions on this matter, this chapter dwells on the nature and extent of financial stringency which formed the background to the first steps taken by the Government of India with regard to records after the termination of the East India Company’s rule. The chapter also explores some other key questions: Who were the people interested in and responsible for the organization and preservation of records after the takeover of the Indian government by the Crown? Were persons who had historical interest appointed to serve as members of the Records Committee, 1861–72? How did colonial historians address the issue of documenting their narratives before an archive came into existence? The chapter also looks at the legacy of Lord Macaulay.


1981 ◽  
Vol 22 (1) ◽  
pp. 85-101 ◽  
Author(s):  
N. J. Westcott

Erica Fiah's neglected life is a very valuable source of information on African political thought and action in colonial Tanganyika. His mission education imbued him with strong Christian values and a belief in British culture and civilization. Coming to Tanganyika from Buganda he was always rather alienated from the local society and culture, and was therefore inclined to seek a political and social community with educated Africans throughout the territory, or with the traders and workers in Dar es Salaam. He too would have liked to be the ‘Mwalimu’ of the Tanganyikan people. In his relations with the colonial government he clearly went a step further than Martin Kayamba or the African Association of his day, who relied on maintaining and exploiting the paternalism of the Government and its patron–client relationship with Africans. Fiah's attitude was one of ‘loyal opposition’, which he expressed first through his own Garveyite association, in the 1930s, and then through his newspaper Kwetu, during the 1940s. Fiah sought to improve and change the existing system, taking more active steps than mere petitioning to make the Government fulfil its moral obligations. This led him into conflict with the African Association in 1936–8; later it also distanced him from the emerging nationalist movement which he had helped fertilize, but whose complete rejection of colonial rule was beyond his intellectual horizon. Fiah's life was not the failure it seemed but a central link in the political transformation of the people of Tanganyika.


2016 ◽  
Vol 1 (1) ◽  
pp. 1
Author(s):  
Purnawan Basundoro

This article aims to explain the politics activities by the villagers in Surabaya at the early of 20th century. The villagers was always considered as the passive people who refused to be involved in a conflict, therefore didn’t do the politic. The historic methodology is taken in this research by referring to the documents from the same century, the newspaper in Surabaya, and also referring to other tertiary resources. The approach chosen is the politic history, a history to describe the struggle of the people to achieve their will. The villagers had various strategy and tactic. As for the villagers who already had the experience of education, even though it was only a basic education, they wrote so many protests in the newspaper related to the decisions of the colonial government which were not in their favour. There was a newspaper in Surabaya managed by the indigenous people at that time, middle scale, and eager to gather all the complaint from the low class society. They also protested directly to the government by using the politic organisation. The formal gathering held by the member of the gemeenteraad, known as “begandring”, was used by the villagers to speak up their aspiration.


1964 ◽  
Vol 15 (2) ◽  
pp. 229-246
Author(s):  
E. Daniel Potts

Prior to 1813 the Honourable East India Company, in whose hands was vested the government of British India, exercised a monopoly over Britain's trade to that territory. As a result, persons not connected with the Company were legally required to obtain a licence from its Board of Directors in London. The passage by the British Parliament in 1813 of an Act to extend the Charter of the Company for a further twenty years wrought many changes: in addition to depriving the Company of its trade monopoly, the Charter contained a clause declaring it to be the duty of Britain to ‘promote the interest and happiness’ of the people of India by taking ‘such measures … as may tend to the introduction … of useful knowledge, and of religious and moral improvement’ —among other ways, by granting licences to missionaries so that they could assist in the work ‘of accomplishing those benevolent designs’.


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