scholarly journals Why Do Ethnic Groups Rebel? New Data and Analysis

2009 ◽  
Vol 62 (1) ◽  
pp. 87-119 ◽  
Author(s):  
Lars-Erik Cederman ◽  
Andreas Wimmer ◽  
Brian Min

Much of the quantitative literature on civil wars and ethnic conflict ignores the role of the state or treats it as a mere arena for political competition among ethnic groups. Other studies analyze how the state grants or withholds minority rights and faces ethnic protest and rebellion accordingly, while largely overlooking the ethnic power configurations at the state's center. Drawing on a new data set on Ethnic Power Relations (EPR) that identifies all politically relevant ethnic groups and their access to central state power around the world from 1946 through 2005, the authors analyze outbreaks of armed conflict as the result of competing ethnonationalist claims to state power. The findings indicate that representatives of ethnic groups are more likely to initiate conflict with the government (1) the more excluded from state power they are, especially if they have recently lost power, (2) the higher their mobilizational capacity, and (3) the more they have experienced conflict in the past.

2017 ◽  
Vol 14 (1) ◽  
pp. 188
Author(s):  
Sakirman Sakirman

Menyadari betapa besar peranan negara dalam berbagai kehidupan masyarakat dan kekuasaan negara, maka kebebasan negara dalam arti pelaksanaan peraturan perundangn-undangan pada hakekatnya dilakukan oleh manusia itu sendiri. Oleh karena itu, yang pertama harus dilakukan adalah manusia sebagai penentu kebijakan hukum, dalam hal ini adalah para hakim yang terdidik, baik, cakap, disiplin, jujur, mentaati hukum, dan tidak rangkap jabatan. Untuk mewujudkan hal tersebut masih perlu adanya upaya untuk mendorong pihak yang berwenang untuk mengawasi dan membina hakim agar lebih menunjukan political will dengan meningkatkan kualitas pengawasan dan pembinaanya sehingga citra hakim pada khususnya dan peradilan pada umumnya semakin terangkat dan kepercayaan masyarakat terhadap hukum semakin baik. Untuk lebih mempertegas prinsip kekuasaan kehakiman yang memiliki asas kebebasan, kiranya perlu difikirkan kembali tentang disain dari struktur yudikatif di Indonesia, seyogyanya wewenang dan cakupan kekuasaan penyelenggara kekuasaan kehakiman diperluas dengan diserahkanya aspek-aspek administratif pada para penyelenggaranya. Dengan demikian para hakim tidak lagi ditempatkan pembinaan administratifnya pada pemerintah, sehingga penyelenggaraaan kekuasaan kehakiman betul-betul terpisah secara keseluruhan dengan penyelenggara kekuasaan lain. Bila hal ini dilakukan diharapkan kebebasan hakim akan terwujudkan dan keadilan dapat ditegakan di bumi pertiwi.Realizing how big the role of the state in the various life of society and state power, then the freedom of the state in the sense of the implementation of legislation is essentially done by the man himself. Therefore, the first thing to do is human beings as the determinants of legal policy, in this case the judges who are educated, good, competent, disciplined, honest, obey the law, and not double position. To realize this matter, there is still an effort to encourage the authorities to supervise and nurture the judges to show more political will by improving the quality of supervision and development so that the image of judges in particular and the judiciary in general is increasingly raised and the public's trust in law is getting better. To further reinforce the principle of judicial power which has a principle of freedom, it may be necessary to rethink about the design of the judicial structure in Indonesia, should the authority and scope of power of the judicial power organizers be expanded by the administrative aspects handed over to the organizers. Thus, the administrative coaching of the judges are no longer placed on the government, so that the exercise of judicial powers is completely separate as a whole with other branches of government. If this is done it is expected that the freedom of judges will be realized and justice can be established in the land of the earth.


2010 ◽  
Vol 40 (3) ◽  
pp. 390
Author(s):  
Yohanes Suhardin

AbstrakThe role of the state in combating poverty is very strategic. Combatingpoverty means to free citizens who are poor. The strategic role given thenational ideals (read: state) is the creation of public welfare. Therefore,countries in this regard the government as the organizer of the state musthold fast to the national ideals through legal product that is loaded withsocial justice values in order to realize common prosperity. Therefore, thenature of the law is justice, then in the context of the state, the lawestablished for the creation of social justice. Law believed that social justiceas the path to the public welfare so that the Indonesian people in a relativelyshort time to eradicate poverty.


2019 ◽  
Vol 4 (2) ◽  
pp. 297
Author(s):  
Fredick Broven Ekayanta

The discussion about development discourse in a country talking about how an idea affect economic policies. In Indonesia, the development discourse continues to change depending on the ruling regime. After the reformation, the dominant discourse is a neoliberal one that minimizes the role of the state in development. During the reign of Jokowi-JK, however, the role of the state strengthened. The government plans to build a massive infrastructure of the physical economy. The government legitimized its choice of action as the implementation of the Pancasila and Trisakti ideologies. Using the theories of Ernesto Laclau and Chantal Mouffe, this article argues that the state legitimizes its policies as implementing ideology by building infrastructure development discourse, but covers only pragmatic practices that occur. The practices themselves are pragmatic because the government ignored the fate and rights of citizens affected by infrastructure development.


2016 ◽  
Vol 16 (2) ◽  
pp. 865-899
Author(s):  
Akifumi Ishihara ◽  
Prakarsh Singh

Abstract We build a model for predicting civil wars where the government bargains with a rebel group using concessions and repression. The equilibrium is either a state of perpetual peace where there are concessions but no repression or a state of repressive equilibrium that can lead to civil wars. At the lowest levels of political competition, a move towards open electoral participation decreases the ability of the state to use repression to limit challengers, increasing the likelihood of war. At higher levels, an increase in competition decreases the probability of war by increasing concessions to the rebel group. Increasing concessions makes war less likely because it decreases the spoils of war and provides one explanation for the non-monotonicity found between probability of civil war and democracy. We test the prediction of this non-linearity using the technique in [Hansen (2000). “Sample Splitting and Threshold Estimation.” Econometrica 68:575–603] and find evidence consistent with the model.


2017 ◽  
Vol 230 ◽  
pp. 348-370 ◽  
Author(s):  
Catherine R. Schenk

AbstractSince colonial times to the present day, Hong Kong's position as a global financial centre is one of the enduring economic strengths of the territory. This success is often attributed to the distinctive role of the state, coined in the 1970s by the-then financial secretary, Sir Philip Haddon-Cave, as “positive non-interventionism.” The relationship between the market and the state has also been characterized as a form of corporatism, particularly in the financial sector as bankers were able to influence policy. However, closer examination of the behind-the-scenes relations between bankers and the state reveals a much more complex relationship, with the banks seeking protection that the government was not willing to provide. Moreover, the reluctance to regulate financial markets resulted in piecemeal interventions and weak implementation that undermined the stability of this sector and of the economy as a whole. This paper demonstrates the confusion over the concept and practicalities of positive non-interventionism, even for Haddon-Cave, and how the concept evolved towards a policy of “when in doubt, do nothing” during a period of financial instability. Along the way, the paper presents new evidence about the origins of Hong Kong's current banking structure.


2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
◽  
Patricia Gay Simpkin

<p>The purpose of this thesis is to examine the response of secondary school teachers to the Tomorrow's Schools education reforms. Their early response was made largely through their union, the Post Primary Teachers' Association (PPTA), in an industrial relations setting as the reform proposals were in development and taking their final shape. The interaction between the professional project of these teachers with the proposed reforms produced an outcome for secondary school education shaped by the interaction, rather than just by the reforms themselves. A case study situated at the intersection of industrial relations, state sector and education restructurings during the period 1984-1989 is the focus of the thesis. The argument is located within French regulationalist theory. The concept of the Keynesian Welfare National State provides a means for connecting education as part of the mode of regulation with the role of the state in New Zealand. The Fourth Labour Government entered into a political project that shifted the role of the state in the economy and society. The roots of the project lay in the discourse of economic rationalism. Policy resulting from this discourse was put into operation through legislation affecting all parts of the state. In education, the discourse of economic rationalism introduced a new approach, the values of which were at odds with those of the previous education settlement of the Keynesian Welfare National State. The object of the thesis is to trace the process of change within the secondary schools sector of education through the years 1984-1989 as the two different sets of values interacted. The assumption is made that institutional change results from a dynamic interaction between new ideas and continuities and discontinuities with the past. This allows for the possibility of the effects of agency on public policy. Analysis focuses on a series of industrial negotiations between the PPTA and the State Services Commission, the negotiating body for government. They took place as various government policy documents and resulting legislation altered the positioning of teachers within the state. The negotiations were of such a character that the educational discourses of economic rationalism and the education settlement of the Keynesian Welfare National State came into conflict and were debated at length. The thesis concludes that, by the end of the negotiations and despite the introduction of legislation on education, the values of secondary teachers remained substantially unchanged and in opposition to the intent of the government reforms.</p>


2021 ◽  
Vol 41 (1) ◽  
pp. 207-214
Author(s):  
JOÃO GABRIEL DE ARAUJO OLIVEIRA ◽  
RENATO NOZAKI SUGAHARA ◽  
JOANILIO RODOLPHO TEIXEIRA

ABSTRACT This comment came to refute and correct the idea of Charles (2007) about the negatively implications in the income distribution when the government expand the consumption in favour to households. We prove that the political choice, to both cases (increasing consumption or increasing profit), impact positively the income distribution and does not affect the essential nature of the Kaldor neo-Pasinetti dynamic equilibrium results and the “Cambridge Equation”. The stability of the model is guarantee by applying the Olech’s Theorem to the case.


2012 ◽  
Vol 7 (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
Sari Roman-Lagerspetz

”Thinking publicly otherwise” is one of the foundations of democracy. The task of the opposition in a democratic system is to express distrust, to criticize the actions of the government and to provide an alternative. The opposition institutionalizes distrust, and, paradoxically, the presence of this institutionalized distrust is, for the citizens, one important reason to trust the democratic system. The claim defended here is that the relationship between the government and the opposition can be understood in terms of Hegel’s dialectics. Although Hegel’s political theory as formulated in his Philosophy of Right emphasizes the unifying role of the State, his earlier philosophy contains more democratic potential.


2020 ◽  
pp. 123-141
Author(s):  
Domenico Melidoro

This chapter tests the theoretical solution worked out in the previous chapter in relation to Indian religious pluralism. After considering some relevant features of religious pluralism in the Indian context, the chapter presents two of the most influential theories that have tried to accommodate it (Rajeev Bhargava’s and Neera Chandhoke’s). These views, despite their merits in trying to defend a specifically Indian understanding of secularism, are quite demanding and criticizable. The notion of equality they employ is too substantive. Indeed, this egalitarian impulse pushes the role of the state well beyond what PT liberalism requires. The problem is that the effects of the expansion of the state’s powers have not always been conducive to social peace. Thus, the constraints imposed by PT liberalism to the exercise of state power are particularly required in this discourse on secularism.


Sign in / Sign up

Export Citation Format

Share Document