“Pure Milk Is Better Than Purified Milk”

2007 ◽  
Vol 31 (3) ◽  
pp. 411-433 ◽  
Author(s):  
Alan Czaplicki

This article explains how pasteurization—with few outspoken political supporters during this period—first became a primary milk purification strategy in Chicago and why eight years passed between pasteurization’s initial introduction into law and the city’s adoption of full mandatory pasteurization. It expands the current focus on the political agreement to pasteurize to include the organizational processes involved in incorporating pasteurization into both policy and practice. It shows that the decision to pasteurize did not occur at a clearly defined point but instead evolved over time as a consequence of the interplay of political interest groups, state-municipal legal relations, and the merging of different organizational practices. Such an approach considerably complicates and expands existing accounts of how political interests and agreements shaped pasteurization and milk purification policies and practice.

2019 ◽  
Vol 41 (4) ◽  
pp. 473-489 ◽  
Author(s):  
Monica Ferrín ◽  
Marta Fraile ◽  
Gema M García-Albacete ◽  
Raul Gómez

To what extent does conventional survey measurement capture the political interest of men and women equally well? We aim to answer this question by relying on unique data from a national online survey in Spain, where we used various questions unpacking the standard indicator of political interest. The findings show that men and women nominate different personal political interests. We also find that the gender gap in political interest vanishes once these specific interests are taken into account. This suggests that at least part of the documented gender gap in general political interest might be due to the fact that, when prompted to think about politics, women disregard their own specific political interests and instead focus on the dominant, male-oriented understanding of politics.


2021 ◽  
Vol 5 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Rica Alyana D. Molina ◽  
Rhon Joseph S. Ramos ◽  
Ferdinand T. Abocejo

Political interest groups (PIGs) are formed by people having common goals and working their way to make their goals a realization. These groups play a crucial role in influencing the minds of the youth in their outlook about varies societal issues. As a way for the youth to be able to participate, these groups found a way to organize political interest group chapters within universities. The organization allow university students to be able to actively participate in conducted activities within their campuses. This study investigated the different political interest groups which are existing in the universities within Cebu City, Philippines. The study also endeavored to examine the different reasons why students are willing participate in these so-called political interest groups and the factors that drive them in joining, how these institutional chapters are recognized and monitored by their respective universities. The findings revealed that students who participated in political interest groups find them interesting and beneficial serving as primary channel to voice their opinions regarding crucial and current societal issues. Also, the universities give them permits to conduct fora and seminars inside the campus. Many students confirm that joining political interest groups bring them more benefits, hone their political interests. Finally, joining political interest groups foster and deepen university students’ social development, broaden their political horizons and bring about positive social change while nurturing students’ rational choices. <p> </p><p><strong> Article visualizations:</strong></p><p><img src="/-counters-/edu_01/0800/a.php" alt="Hit counter" /></p>


Author(s):  
María Juana López Medina ◽  
Francisco Pérez Martínez

Resumen: Este trabajo se centra en el munus de Julia ofrecido por su padre César, para ello se analiza la figura de Julia, como hija de César y esposa de Pompeyo, y el significado que tuvo su muerte. Su munus demuestra cómo los combates de gladiadores, que formaron parte de los rituales funerarios durante la República, son una expresión de la desigualdad social, no sólo en función de la clase a la que se pertenezca sino también en relación con el sexo, y cómo los munera son utilizados por los intereses políticos de la nobilitas, especialmente durante el siglo I a.C., como ocurre en este caso.Abstract: This paper analyzes the munus of Julia offered by her father Caesar. It consists in the study of the figure of Julia, as daughter of Caesar and wife of Pompey, and the meaning that had her death. Her munus proves how the combats of gladiators, which were part of funerary rituals during the Republic, are an expression of social inequality, not only in function of the class also in relation to the gender, and how the munera are used by the political interests of the nobilitas, especially during the first century BC, as in this case.Palabras clave: Munera gladiatoria, Roma, Julia, César, época republicana, rito funerario, desigualdad social, propaganda política.Key words: Munera gladiatoria, Rome, Julia, Caesar, Republic period, funeral rite, social inequality, political propaganda.


1996 ◽  
Vol 14 (2) ◽  
pp. 193-209 ◽  
Author(s):  
D Levi-Faur

One of the few areas of consensus in the research on Israeli politics is that of the political weakness of the Israeli business sector during the first two decades of statehood. The author claims that this consensus does not, however, justify the avoidance by scholars of the Israeli polity of conducting a systematic research into the factors that shaped the weakness of such an important sector, and therefore aims to suggest an explanation of the power of the Israeli businesses through an examination of the role and the behaviour of one of the leading interest groups in Israeli society—The Manufacturers' Association of Israel (MAI). The passive role played by the MAI in shaping the industrial-development policy during the period 1956–65 is analysed through: (a) analysis of the organisational resources of the MAI; and (b) examination of the MAI's role in two cases of public-policy making, namely the Textile Industry Development Plan and the Trade Liberalisation Program. The current political science literature regarding the factors that are often mentioned as shaping the power of business only partially explains the weakness of Israeli businesses. The author's main arguments are that nationalism can explain the weakness of the MAI better than can any other factor, and that the literature concerning the power of business should therefore pay more attention to the relationship between nationalism and the power of business. In the concluding part of the paper the findings are used as a basis for a discussion of the weakness of the Israeli civil society, and of the role played by nationalism in shaping this weakness.


2018 ◽  
pp. 165-175
Author(s):  
Lynete Lusike Mukhongo ◽  
Juliet Wambui Macharia

The introductory chapter undertakes a detailed discussion of the political influence of media in developing countries. Communication scholars and researchers often discuss what the media needs to do in the process of driving political change, however, this is often done without a real consideration of the challenges facing the media and political journalists in developing countries. There is therefore need to lay emphasis on drawing reference from experiences as narrated by the media, researchers and political interest groups based in developing countries. This book seeks to document research carried out by communication researchers, scholars and media practitioners based in various developing countries. The authors draw from their varied experiences in developing countries to undertake interesting discussions on how the media operates in the developing world, and the subsequent challenges facing the media and political journalists.


2019 ◽  
Vol 1 (1) ◽  
pp. 17-25
Author(s):  
Mariana Ulfah ◽  
Amadou Barry

This paper aims to how Indonesian Leaders Forum (ILF) as a new talkshow program in Indonesia effort to increasing political interest of citizens. This research uses descriptive qualitative method with a case study of the ILF Program. By using descriptive method, the author can explain the background of the incident, some perspective on the event and analyze in depth. So the ILF can answer the public's concerns about the political situation in Indonesia today conclusion contains the main points of the article.


1985 ◽  
Vol 79 (1) ◽  
pp. 79-96 ◽  
Author(s):  
John Mark Hansen

Despite its normative importance, the question of why people join interest groups remains open. It has certainly provoked a wealth of theoretical attention. Regrettably, however, it has inspired only a handful of empirical tests. The introduction of this article places the empirical debate into its normative context. The first section develops a rational model of individual evaluations of group membership, focusing upon the effect of changing personal circumstances—preferences, needs, resources, insecurity, and information—on the calculus. In particular, the theory predicts responsiveness to political or collective benefits in threatening times. Analyses of aggregate changes over time in membership in the Farm Bureau, the League of Women Voters, and the Home Builders, reported in the second section, bear the model out. Finally, the conclusion takes on the complementary question of group supply, sketching a theory of group mobilization that emphasizes subsidization.


Author(s):  
Lynete Lusike Mukhongo ◽  
Juliet Wambui Macharia

The introductory chapter undertakes a detailed discussion of the political influence of media in developing countries. Communication scholars and researchers often discuss what the media needs to do in the process of driving political change, however, this is often done without a real consideration of the challenges facing the media and political journalists in developing countries. There is therefore need to lay emphasis on drawing reference from experiences as narrated by the media, researchers and political interest groups based in developing countries. This book seeks to document research carried out by communication researchers, scholars and media practitioners based in various developing countries. The authors draw from their varied experiences in developing countries to undertake interesting discussions on how the media operates in the developing world, and the subsequent challenges facing the media and political journalists.


Author(s):  
I Putu Gede Darmawan Hadi S

Currently, the policy made by the government will always support the political interests of the government itself, regardless of the interests of the community. A good policy is a policy that can respond and meet the interests, aspirations and social needs of the community so that all aspects must work together. In addition, government policy is expected to prevent violations of the law, because efforts to prevent violations of the law is better than crack or Hank dropped punishment to the offender. By building a national integrity system in government institutions is very useful for the fight against corruption in various forms at various levels. Attorney as law enforcement also plays a role in combating corruption should respond actively so that the desires of society so that the level of corruption in Indonesia decreased can be realized. Criminal punishment to the perpetrators of corruption is a form of repressive law enforcement response, the law does not consider the interests of those who governed / regulated by these laws. This study uses the method of normative legal research, which aims to identify and understand more deeply about the role of the Prosecutor in preventing corruption as well as people's expectations and understanding of the policies applied to the Prosecutor to support the government in preventing corruption. Saat ini, kebijakan yang dibuat pemerintah akan selalu mendukung kepentingan politik pemerintah itu sendiri, terlepas dari kepentingan masyarakat. Kebijakan yang baik adalah kebijakan yang dapat merespon dan memenuhi kepentingan, aspirasi dan kebutuhan sosial masyarakat sehingga segala aspek harus bekerja sama secara bersinergi. Selain itu, kebijakan pemerintah diharapkan mampu mencegah terjadinya pelanggaran hukum, karena upaya pencegahan terjadinya pelanggaran hukum lebih baik dari pada menindak atau mejatuhkan hukuman bagi si pelanggar. Dengan membangun sistem integritas nasional pada lembaga-lembaga pemerintahan sangat berguna untuk upaya melawan korupsi dalam berbagai bentuk di berbagai tingkatan. Jaksa selaku penegak hukum yang juga berperan dalam memberantas tindak pidana korupsi haruslah merespon secara aktif sehingga keinginan masyarakat supaya tingkat korupsi di Indonesia menurun dapat terwujud. Penjatuhan pidana kepada pelaku-pelaku korupsi merupakan salah satu bentuk respon penegakan hukum secara represif, yaitu hukum yang tidak memperhatikan kepentingan orang-orang yang diperintah/diatur oleh hukum tersebut. Penelitian ini menggunakan metoda penelitian hukum normatif, yang bertujuan untuk mengetahui dan memahami lebih mendalam tentang peran Kejaksaan dalam mencegah terjadinya korupsi sebagaimana harapan masyarakat dan memahami tentang kebijakan-kebijakan yang diterapkan Kejaksaan untuk mendukung pemerintah dalam mencegah korupsi.


Citizens are political simpletons—that is only a modest exaggeration of a common characterization of voters. Certainly, there is no shortage of evidence of citizens' limited political knowledge, even about matters of the highest importance, along with inconsistencies in their thinking, some glaring by any standard. But this picture of citizens all too often approaches caricature. This book brings together leading political scientists who offer new insights into the political thinking of the public, the causes of party polarization, the motivations for political participation, and the paradoxical relationship between turnout and democratic representation. These studies propel a foundational argument about democracy. Voters can only do as well as the alternatives on offer. These alternatives are constrained by third players, in particular activists, interest groups, and financial contributors. The result: voters often appear to be shortsighted, extreme, and inconsistent because the alternatives they must choose between are shortsighted, extreme, and inconsistent.


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