scholarly journals The revolution in local government: mayors in Portugal before and after 1974

2017 ◽  
Vol 32 (2) ◽  
pp. 253-282 ◽  
Author(s):  
MARIA ANTÓNIA PIRES DE ALMEIDA
Keyword(s):  
Local Government ◽  
Transition Period ◽  
New Order ◽  
Local Elites ◽  
Army Officers ◽  
Before And After ◽  
Local Government Level ◽  
Democratic Elections ◽  
The Military ◽  
The Revolution

AbstractIn 1974, Portugal's Carnation Revolution, initiated by the military, received huge popular support. Army officers, mostly of the rank of captain, started the Revolution, but then the politicians took over. While it was largely a ‘top down’ revolution, at the local government level ordinary people assumed control. In this article we consider those who made up the local elites before the Revolution, during the transition period that followed, and thereafter. We compare the local elites in Portugal during Salazar's dictatorship with those under the Democratic regime, using a database of 6,000 entries containing details of 3,102 mayors and deputy mayors and 402 civil governors who held office between 1936 and 2013. Our main conclusions are that during the transition period the elite who had ruled under Salazar were almost completely replaced. A new group, from different professions and social backgrounds, took up the reins of local government. The Revolution produced a population willing to participate in the new order and take on roles within local government, but they did not always retain their seats after the first democratic elections.

scholarly journals REFORMASI MENUJU LOCAL GOVERNMENT COUNCIL YANG BERKUALITAS (REFORM TOWARD QUALITY OF LOCAL GOVERNMENT COUNCIL)

2016 ◽  
Vol 2 (02) ◽  
Author(s):  
Amirul Mustofa
Keyword(s):  
Local Government ◽  
Political Parties ◽  
Local Level ◽  
Rent Seeking ◽  
New Order ◽  
Political Actors ◽  
Political Performance ◽  
Old Order ◽  
The Status ◽  
Local Government Level

Political reform has occurred in Indonesia, namely when the regime transition of power from the old order to new order, and when the transition toward the new order has yet to reform the order form is of very local government councils. Local government councils according to the opinion of the writer has never showed good political performance, they simply just as political actors who seek personal gain or rent seeking, either the status quo as well as rent-seeking hunters.In connection with these conditions the local government councils is a form of democracy at local government level is very importance role in accommodating the aspirations of the community and promote development at the local level. Referring to this idea the authors approach the study of reform as the basic options that can be found those items essential for local government reform towards a quality council. Variables of important reforms that opinion writer are:  minimize the number of political parties; amendment to the constitution need to be rethinking;political education to be a prerequisite determination of local government councils; and scope of work development of local government council.Key words: local government councils, policy reform, political parties

scholarly journals Proliferation of Local Governments in Indonesia: Identity Politics within a Troubled Nation State

PCD Journal ◽  
2017 ◽  
Vol 3 (1-2) ◽  
pp. 1
Author(s):  
Purwo Santoso
Keyword(s):  
Local Government ◽  
Identity Politics ◽  
Local Governments ◽  
Central Government ◽  
The State ◽  
Effective Control ◽  
New Order ◽  
Local Elites ◽  
Short Period ◽  
Do So

This article aims to scrutinise the phenomenon of proliferation of local government units in Indonesia in order to understand how identity politics has evolved within and through the process of decentralization. In doing so, there are several points to make. The numbers of districts and municipalities in Indonesia have doubled within six years. Local governments have proliferated in the sense that the numbers of local government units have multiplied rapidly in such a short period. There were 'only' a little bit more than 200 units when Suharto stepped down in 1998, and that had more than doubled to 466 units in 2006. Interestingly, this took place in an absence of a definite plan, as the state showed its enthusiasm for decentralisation and a bottom-up process of decision-making. First, the state can no longer maintain its hegemonic role. Under the regimes of Sukarno and Suharto, the state possessed relatively effective technocratic and bureaucratic apparatus that ensured effective control over its people and agenda. Through technocratically equipped bureaucracies the state mobilised certain kinds of discourse that, in turn, defined what was deemed proper under the banner of ethnic and religious solidarity. Second, local elites play critical roles in the process of proliferation. Moreover, in many cases their roles have reversed since the fall of the New Order. Previously, they were co-opted by the state but now, they are co-opting the state. Why is that so? The state is well aware of and even too sensitive to the potential of ethnic-based, race-motivated conflicts, as well as secession (Wellman 2005). Indeed, conflicts did take place quite extensively in Indonesia for that reason. As a result, the state opts to accomodate the interests of local elites instead of confronting them. In other words, proliferation of local government serves as a strategy for preventing political disintegration. Local autonomy is currently the best available solution to ethnic conflict in Indonesia (Bertrand 2004). Third, the proliferation of local governments confirms the importance of territoriality or territorial attachment (Kahler and Walter 2006). Territory serves as a basis for identity politics. By establishing a new set of local governments, the central government still retains territorial control and, at the same time, local activists also have an opportunity to do so.

scholarly journals Does system of local government subsidisation fulfil revenue equalisation function? Evidence from Poland

2017 ◽  
Vol 8 (4) ◽  
pp. 523-535 ◽  
Author(s):  
Alicja Sekuła
Keyword(s):  
Local Government ◽  
Pearson Correlation ◽  
Value Added ◽  
Research Hypothesis ◽  
Local Government Finance ◽  
Before And After ◽  
Local Government Level ◽  
Per Capita ◽  
The Relationship ◽  
Government Level

Research background: General grants in the system of local government finance should pursue five different functions. One of them is revenue equalization. This function is achieved if the revenue gap is reduced after the application of the subsidising mechanism. In addition, to be completed, the size of the support should be inversely proportional to own revenues. Purpose of the article: The aim of the article is to analyse the fulfilment of the revenue equalization function by general grants. Therefore, beside the theoretical analysis, which presents the general grants structure and the functions assigned to them, the article discusses the results of studies showing changes in the revenue gap after the application of the grant mechanism and the correlation between per capita own revenue and the amount of funds from selected parts (equalisation, balancing-regional, reserve, compensating) of the general grant. The following tentative research hypothesis was adopted: general grants fail to fulfil the revenue equalisation function. Methods: Two research methods were applied to achieve the aim of the article and verify the research hypothesis: descriptive statistics and correlation — calculating the Pearson correlation coefficient. Findings & Value added: Based on the analyses, it was concluded that, once the corrective and equalising mechanism was applied, the range between the extreme per capita revenue values was reduced by 40–50% on average, at all local government levels, i.e. at commune (including cities with county right), county and province levels, in each year from the period analysed, i.e. 2012–2016. The correlation between the sizes of revenue before and after budget subsidising is always negative, whereas the strength of the relationship ranged between low and significant, depending on the local government level. It was found that general grants do fulfil the revenue equalisation function, which contradicts the initially formulated research hypothesis.

scholarly journals The Political Influence of the Military Before and After Democratic Transition: Experiences from Indonesia - An Assessment on Myanmar

2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
◽  
Benjamin H. Beets
Keyword(s):  
Dominant Role ◽  
Political Influence ◽  
Armed Forces ◽  
Review Literature ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Actors ◽  
Before And After ◽  
Aung San Suu Kyi ◽  
Democratic Elections ◽  
The Military

<p>Historically, the Indonesian National Armed Forces (TNI) and Myanmar’s Armed Forces (Tatmadaw) held tremendous levels of domestic political influence. Following independence in the 1940s, both countries experienced a short and unstable democratic period. Largely due to the weakness of civilian institutions, and the special place of the TNI and the Tatmadaw in society, both militaries became the most dominant political actors in their respective countries. In 1998, President Suharto’s government fell, which instigated a period of political reform whereby the TNI removed itself from the political realm. It would seem as if democratisation has seen the TNI lose significant political clout. However, is it this simple? Does democratisation mean a total loss of political influence for the military?  This paper seeks to understand to what extent the TNI lost political influence in the democratic era and whether similar developments are likely for Myanmar’s Tatmadaw. To answer this question, this paper will review literature on influence, democracy and civilmilitary relations in order to produce a thematic framework of indicators that can be used for further analysis on the TNI and the Tatmadaw. Once a framework has been laid, this paper will investigate the Indonesian experience, focusing on pre-democracy (1945-1998), before shifting to see how influential the TNI is in the democratic era (1998-2015). The Tatmadaw’s political influence will then be examined in the junta period (1948-2015). Once the Tatmadaw current state is understood, this paper will provide informed judgements on the likely influence of the Tatmadaw in a future democratic Myanmar.  This paper found that in the post-Suharto era, the TNI still retains political influence as a result of its strong standing in Indonesian society, involvement in off-budget income generation, and a strong internal security role, as well as weak civilian institutions. Although the TNI no longer have a dominant role in Indonesia politics, they certain hold a level of political influence in Jakarta. With Myanmar heading toward democratisation, after fifty years of junta rule, will the Tatmadaw follow a similar trajectory? This paper is timely. November 8, 2015 will see democratic elections take place in Myanmar. The most popular political party, the National League for Democracy, led by democratic icon Aung San Suu Kyi, is likely to do very well in the election. At the same time, Myanmar’s 2008 Constitution indirectly bans her from becoming president, provides the Tatmadaw with 25 percent of the seats in parliament and gives the military a veto option, even in the supposedly democratic era.</p>

scholarly journals TEUNGKU MUHAMMAD DAUD BEUREUEH DAN REVOLUSI DI ACEH (1945-1950)

2018 ◽  
Vol 7 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Bambang Satriya ◽  
Andi Suwirta ◽  
Ayi Budi Santosa
Keyword(s):  
Local Government ◽  
Economic Conditions ◽  
The Political ◽  
Indonesian Government ◽  
Historical Method ◽  
The Cost ◽  
The Military ◽  
The Revolution

This research was distributed by attractions of authors to Teungku Muhammad Daud Beureueh the leader with big influence when the revolution happened in Aceh. The main issues studied in this research is “How was Teungku Muhammad Daud Beureueh’s role in defending the independence of Indonesian Republic in Aceh 1945-1950?”. This study uses historical method which includes four steps: 1) Heuristics, 2) Criticism, 3) Interpretation, 4) Historiography. Based on the result, the political and socio-economic conditions in Aceh after the independence of Indonesian Republic was unstable. The role of Teungku Muhammad Daud Beureueh in Peristiwa Cumbok gave the awareness to local government to give more attention in this horizontal conflict and he instructing to mobilize the troops to attack the uleebalang clan in Pidie. He also stopped the Tentara Perjuangan Rakyat (TPR) movement who headed by Husin Al Mujahid. As the Military Governor of Aceh, Langkat, and Tanah Karo, Teungku Muhammad Daud Beureueh can merged the paramilitary organizations into TNI organization, he also the inisiator who collected the cost to buy an airplane for Indonesian government, and he can stopped the Sayid Ali movement. Teungku Muhammad Daud Beureueh rejected the merging of Aceh into the Sumatera Utara Province and this case made his disappointed to the center government and also Soekarno.

scholarly journals The Political Influence of the Military Before and After Democratic Transition: Experiences from Indonesia - An Assessment on Myanmar

2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
◽  
Benjamin H. Beets
Keyword(s):  
Dominant Role ◽  
Political Influence ◽  
Armed Forces ◽  
Review Literature ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Actors ◽  
Before And After ◽  
Aung San Suu Kyi ◽  
Democratic Elections ◽  
The Military

<p>Historically, the Indonesian National Armed Forces (TNI) and Myanmar’s Armed Forces (Tatmadaw) held tremendous levels of domestic political influence. Following independence in the 1940s, both countries experienced a short and unstable democratic period. Largely due to the weakness of civilian institutions, and the special place of the TNI and the Tatmadaw in society, both militaries became the most dominant political actors in their respective countries. In 1998, President Suharto’s government fell, which instigated a period of political reform whereby the TNI removed itself from the political realm. It would seem as if democratisation has seen the TNI lose significant political clout. However, is it this simple? Does democratisation mean a total loss of political influence for the military?  This paper seeks to understand to what extent the TNI lost political influence in the democratic era and whether similar developments are likely for Myanmar’s Tatmadaw. To answer this question, this paper will review literature on influence, democracy and civilmilitary relations in order to produce a thematic framework of indicators that can be used for further analysis on the TNI and the Tatmadaw. Once a framework has been laid, this paper will investigate the Indonesian experience, focusing on pre-democracy (1945-1998), before shifting to see how influential the TNI is in the democratic era (1998-2015). The Tatmadaw’s political influence will then be examined in the junta period (1948-2015). Once the Tatmadaw current state is understood, this paper will provide informed judgements on the likely influence of the Tatmadaw in a future democratic Myanmar.  This paper found that in the post-Suharto era, the TNI still retains political influence as a result of its strong standing in Indonesian society, involvement in off-budget income generation, and a strong internal security role, as well as weak civilian institutions. Although the TNI no longer have a dominant role in Indonesia politics, they certain hold a level of political influence in Jakarta. With Myanmar heading toward democratisation, after fifty years of junta rule, will the Tatmadaw follow a similar trajectory? This paper is timely. November 8, 2015 will see democratic elections take place in Myanmar. The most popular political party, the National League for Democracy, led by democratic icon Aung San Suu Kyi, is likely to do very well in the election. At the same time, Myanmar’s 2008 Constitution indirectly bans her from becoming president, provides the Tatmadaw with 25 percent of the seats in parliament and gives the military a veto option, even in the supposedly democratic era.</p>

KEBIJAKAN POLITIK KERUKUNAN ANTARAGAMA DI INDONESIA ERA REFORMASI

2017 ◽  
Vol 9 (2) ◽  
pp. 407-424
Author(s):  
Jamaluddin Jamaluddin
Keyword(s):  
Transition Period ◽  
Religious Life ◽  
New Order ◽  
Reform Era ◽  
Policy Makers ◽  
Accommodation Space ◽  
Nation States ◽  
The Government ◽  
Definition Of ◽  
Cultural Reality

Indonesian reformation era begins with the fall of President Suharto. Political transition and democratic transition impact in the religious life. Therefore, understandably, when the politic transition is not yet fully reflects the idealized conditions. In addition to the old paradigm that is still attached to the brain of policy makers, various policies to mirror the complexity of stuttering ruler to answer the challenges of religious life. This challenge cannot be separated from the hegemonic legacy of the past, including the politicization of SARA. Hegemony that took place during the New Order period, adversely affected the subsequent transition period. It seems among other things, with airings various conflicts nuances SARA previously muted, forced repressive. SARA issues arise as a result of the narrowing of the accommodation space of the nation state during the New Order regime. The New Order regime has reduced the definition of nation-states is only part of a group of people loyal to the government to deny the diversity of socio-cultural reality in it. To handle the inheritance, every regime in the reform era responds with a pattern and a different approach. It must be realized, that the post-reform era, Indonesia has had four changes of government. The leaders of every regime in the reform era have a different background and thus also have a vision that is different in treating the problem of racial intolerance, particularly against religious aspect. This treatment causes the accomplishment difference each different regimes of dealing with the diversity of race, religion and class that has become the hallmark of Indonesian society.

Regime Change in Contemporary Turkey

2016 ◽  
Author(s):  
Necati Polat
Keyword(s):  
Recent Change ◽  
Political Regime ◽  
New Order ◽  
Making Sense ◽  
Turkish Politics ◽  
Subsequent Phase ◽  
The Government ◽  
The Public Sphere ◽  
The Arab Spring ◽  
The Military

This book explores the transformation of Turkey’s political regime from 2002 under the AKP rule. Turkey has been through a series of major political shifts historically, roughly from the mid-19th century. The book details the most recent change, locating it in its broader historical setting. Beginning with the AKP rule from late 2002, supported by a wide informal coalition that included liberals, it describes how the ‘former’ Islamists gradually acquired full power between 2007 and 2011. It then chronicles the subsequent phase, looking at politics and rights under the amorphous new order. This highly accessible assessment of the change in question places it in the larger context of political modernisation in the country over the past 150 or so years, covering all of the main issues in contemporary Turkish politics: the religious and secular divide, the Kurds, the military, foreign policy orientation, the state of human rights, the effective concentration of powers in the government and a rule by policy, rather than law, initiated by Erdogan’s increasingly authoritarian populism. The discussion at once situates Turkey in the broader milieu of the Arab Spring, especially in terms of Islamist politics and Muslim piety in the public sphere, with some emphasis on ‘Islamo-nationalism’ (Millî Görüş) as a local Islamist variety. Effortlessly blending history, politics, law, social theory and philosophy in making sense of the change, the book uses the concept of mimesis to show that continuity is a key element in Turkish politics, despite the series of radical breaks that have occurred.

Conclusion: Revolutions, Settlements and Scotland’s Political Development

2018 ◽  
Author(s):  
Alasdair Raffe
Keyword(s):  
Seventeenth Century ◽  
Local Government ◽  
Political Development ◽  
Religious Dissent ◽  
Central Direction ◽  
Established Church ◽  
Power And Authority ◽  
The Revolution

THE REVOLUTION SETTLEMENT OF 1689–90 repudiated many of the principles and policies of royal government in the Restoration period. But while their responses were different, James VII and the makers of the settlement sought solutions to the same fundamental problems. By studying the upheavals of the 1685–90 period, we have focused on two sets of challenges confronting the rulers of seventeenth-century Scotland. The first concerned the character of the established Church. How was it to be constituted and what was the appropriate role for the monarch in its government? How should the civil magistrate deal with religious dissent? A second cluster of problems involved the crown’s power and authority. Was the king ‘absolute’ and what did this mean in practice? To what extent was local government in Scotland autonomous, and how far was it amenable to central direction?...

Entrepreneurship Management at the Local Government Level: The Experience of the Cities for Entrepreneurs Program

2018 ◽  
Vol 9 (5) ◽  
pp. 388-407
Author(s):  
Patricio Gigli ◽  
◽  
Donatela Orsi ◽  
Marisel Martín Aramburú ◽  
◽  
...  
Keyword(s):  
Human Capital ◽  
Local Government ◽  
Local Governments ◽  
Structural Characteristics ◽  
National Level ◽  
Development Issue ◽  
Starting Point ◽  
Local Government Level ◽  
Micro Level ◽  
Government Level

This paper aims at describing the experience of the Cities for Entrepreneurs Program (Ciudades para Emprender or CPE) of the National Directorate of Community and Human Capital (which belongs to the SEPYME), National Ministry of Production. This paper starts from the premise that entrepreneurship takes place at the most micro level of the offer and, therefore, is a concept associated with the characteristics of the environment closest to that offer: the local territory. However, there is little history in the country of public policies relating the issue of entrepreneurship with the local management. That is why we take as a starting point the conceptualization of the chosen framework: local governments and the development issue, seen from the perspective of entrepreneurships. Moreover, an overview is given on the structural characteristics of municipalities in Argentina. In addition, some international experiences and attempts to promote entrepreneurship at a national level are analyzed. Finally, the Cities for Entrepreneurs Program (CPE) is outlined, based on a summary of the diagnoses of the Entrepreneurial Ecosystems of the selected cities and the tools used and their execution status at the time of publication of this paper.

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