Military Resistance to the Brazilian Coup: The Fight of Officers and Soldiers against Authoritarian Rule, 1964–67

2020 ◽  
Vol 77 (2) ◽  
pp. 275-300
Author(s):  
Marilia Corrêa
Keyword(s):  
Armed Forces ◽  
Government Control ◽  
Military Dictatorship ◽  
Authoritarian Rule ◽  
Armed Resistance ◽  
The Military ◽  
Guerrilla Movement ◽  
Military Barracks

ABSTRACTThis article traces resistance among members of the armed forces who opposed the military dictatorship in Brazil during the first four years of the regime, 1964–67. I show that despite scholars’ efforts to depict the 1964 coup as a project supported by the armed forces as a strategic and ideological unit, there were battle lines within those forces along which hard-liners and moderate interventionists battled for government control. There were, in fact, hundreds of officers and soldiers who opposed the coup and organized against it. To contain resistance efforts inside the armed forces, the generals who orchestrated the coup labeled opponents to intervention as communists and expelled them from the institution, in many cases under considerable duress. This article discusses the first opposition efforts of officers and soldiers, particularly the Nationalist Armed Resistance (RAN) and the Caparaó Guerrilla Movement. Members of the military who were opposed to the coup shared an anti-interventionism and nationalism that united them against the regime. After 1964, their efforts to oppose military interventionism, previously carried out inside the military barracks, became the fight of all its opponents, members of the armed forces and civilians alike.

The Armed Forces in Latin America: Potential for Changes in Political and Social Functions

1972 ◽  
Vol 14 (4) ◽  
pp. 375-398 ◽  
Author(s):  
Manfred Kossok
Keyword(s):  
Latin America ◽  
Armed Forces ◽  
The Political ◽  
Social Functions ◽  
Military Dictatorship ◽  
Political Role ◽  
Number Of Publications ◽  
The Military ◽  
Coups D'etat

At the beginning of this study of military dictatorship and the political role of the intellectuals in Latin America, Florestan Fernandes (1970: 1) makes the following statement: “The idea that Latin America is a region in which the coups d'état are a political routine has become a commonplace.” Without doubt, such an opinion is justified and also explains—at least to a certain extent—the wealth of “routine” verdicts on the function of the military in Latin America. A contradiction, however, seems evident at this point: while the number of publications on the political and social position of the armed forces is rapidly increasing (McAlister, 1966; Rouquié, 1969), there is an evident lack of comprehensive analyses that go beyond detailed description, and which explain in a reliable and sound manner the phenomenon of the cyclically increasing militarization of politics. It cannot be overlooked that research on the role of the military in Latin America is in a really critical situation which calls for a reexamination of the facts according to new criteria.

scholarly journals FROM BRAZIL TO SWEDEN TO BRAZIL: GENDER TROUBLE IN FERNANDO GABEIRA

2018 ◽  
pp. 61-79
Author(s):  
Dario Borim Jr
Keyword(s):  
Rio De Janeiro ◽  
Minas Gerais ◽  
Sao Paulo ◽  
São Paulo ◽  
Military Dictatorship ◽  
Armed Resistance ◽  
And Gender ◽  
Gender Trouble ◽  
The Military ◽  
Formative Years

In light of Judith Butler’s insight, including her theories of gender trouble and performativity, this article investigates Brazilian journalist and activist Fernando Gabeira’s trajectory against machismo, homophobia, and gender presumptions. That trajectory spans his formative years, in Minas Gerais (1940s and 50s), the armed resistance to the military dictatorship. in Rio de Janeiro and São Paulo (1960s), the activism during exile, mostly in Sweden (1970-1979), and another 35 years of sociopolitical engagement, after his return to Brazil. Key to this essay’s central inquiry are Gabeira’s thoughts and experiences in his O que é isso, companheiro? (1979), O crepúsculo do macho (1980), and Entradas e bandeiras (1981).

scholarly journals Models of Modernization and geopolitical changes in Latin America

2016 ◽  
pp. 68-76
Author(s):  
István Szilágy
Keyword(s):  
Armed Forces ◽  
Military Dictatorship ◽  
The Past ◽  
State Apparatus ◽  
Political Forces ◽  
1960S And 1970S ◽  
Set Up ◽  
The 1960S ◽  
The Military ◽  
Radical Transformation

In South America in the 1960s and 1970s the contradictions of economic, social and political structures were deepening. In order to surmount the structural crisis the different political forces, tendencies and governments elaborated various strategies. These attempts aiming at reorganizing the society led to undermining the hegemony of ruling governing block and radical transformation of state apparatus. Progressive and regressi-ve forms of military dictatorship and excepcional states of the new militarism appeared on the continent because of the Brazilian military takeover of April, 1964. Formally these state systems were set up by the institutional takeover of the armed forces. The military governments strove for the total reorganization and modernization of the societies in their all - economic, political and ideological - territories. The study aims at analizing the diffe-rent models of modernization during the past sixty years.

Thailand: Camouflaged Khakistocracy in Civil–Military Relations

2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Paul W. Chambers
Keyword(s):  
Prime Minister ◽  
Armed Forces ◽  
Military Power ◽  
Authoritarian Rule ◽  
Civil Military Relations ◽  
The World ◽  
History Of ◽  
Military Relations ◽  
The Military

The history of civil–military relations in Thailand has paralleled the gradual post-1980 primacy of monarchical power over the country. Until 1932, the monarchy ruled absolute across Siam (Thailand). From 1932 until 1980, the military held more clout than the monarchy (though the palace slowly increased its influence after 1957). Since 1980, monarchy and military have dominated the country with the military as junior partner. The two form a khakistocracy: the military’s uniform color of khaki combined with the aristocracy (monarchy). Though there have been brief instances of elected civilian governments, all were overthrown by the military. In fact, Thailand likely holds the record for the highest number of military putsches in the world. Since the death of King Bhumipol Adulyadej in 2016, the clout of the armed forces has become more centralized under his successor and son King Maha Vajiralongkorn. At the same time, post-2019 Prime Minister (and post-2014 junta leader) General Prayuth Chanocha has sought to entrench military power across Thailand. As a result, in 2021, the monarchy and military continue to enhance authoritarian rule as a khakistocracy camouflaged behind the guise of a charade form of democracy. Civil–military relations represent exclusively a partnership between the monarch and the armed forces.

Russian military patriotic education: a control tool against the arbitrariness of veterans

2010 ◽  
Vol 38 (1) ◽  
pp. 73-85 ◽  
Author(s):  
Elisabeth Sieca-Kozlowski
Keyword(s):  
Soviet Union ◽  
Military Service ◽  
Armed Forces ◽  
Education Programme ◽  
Government Control ◽  
Civilian Life ◽  
The Soviet Union ◽  
Patriotic Education ◽  
Russian Military ◽  
The Military

The military had been concerned about military patriotic education for a long time when Putin's Patriotic Education Programme was published. As soon as the collapse of the Soviet Union occurred, followed a few years later by the creation of the Russian armed forces, they had already been developing patriotic education programmes aimed primarily at youth, aided by veterans of local wars, both volunteers and recruits. The aim of this article is to show that the military version of patriotic education aims openly to encourage military service, and that the Russian state will try to enlist veterans of the Afghanistan and Chechen wars in activities linked to military patriotic education and its spread in military and civilian spheres. Our hypothesis is that the determination to bring veterans together around a common project has two aims: (1) to federate veterans around the authorities and (2) to channel a population that escapes government control and some of whose excesses on their return to civilian life (violence towards the population in the context of their function, for veterans of the Interior Ministry in particular) have darkened the image of the ministries known as the “power” ministries.

scholarly journals Assessing the Effects of Regimented Administrative Structure of Education on Pupils Academic Performance of Basic Schools in Military Barracks, Ghana

2021 ◽  
Vol 12 (1(S)) ◽  
pp. 25-35
Author(s):  
Edward Brenya ◽  
Dominic Degraft Arthur ◽  
Raymond Opoku ◽  
Sylvester Atta Andam
Keyword(s):  
Academic Performance ◽  
Armed Forces ◽  
Military Culture ◽  
Downward Trend ◽  
Teaching Staff ◽  
Teacher Work ◽  
Free Environment ◽  
The Military ◽  
Military Barracks

Over the last five years, there has been a downward trend in the BECE performance by pupils in the Basic schools of military barracks in Ghana. The military high command has been concerned about the current performance of pupils in the BECE, and the responsibility lies with the Directorate of Education of the Ghana Armed forces to undertake all efforts at reversing the tide. The study is predicated upon the need to explore all possible causes of a consistent downward trend of BECE performance over the past five years. It is speculated that in the case of the Armed Forces schools, the quality of education could either be significantly enhanced or diminished by the peculiarity of the administration. Thus, the study quantitatively examined the place of military culture as a part of the administration and how the phenomenon impacts academic performance. The findings revealed that not only does military culture impact teacher work output, but the coercive nature of the relationship between the Educational Officers and civilian teaching staff is detrimental to the academic environment. Therefore, this paper recommends that the coercive administrative approach be modified to allow for a much more cooperative and social approach, which would create a conducive and free environment for academic work and consequently improve academic performances.

scholarly journals How do you spell “freedom”? Narratives about the 25 April 1974 Revolution in the Brazilian press

2018 ◽  
Vol 34 ◽  
pp. 367-388
Author(s):  
Camila Garcia Kieling
Keyword(s):  
Armed Forces ◽  
Political Imagination ◽  
Military Dictatorship ◽  
Coup D'etat ◽  
The Past ◽  
The Future ◽  
Left And Right ◽  
Points Of View ◽  
The Military ◽  
The Revolution

This paper proposes a recomposition of the intrigue of journalistic narratives on the Revolution of April 25, 1974 in Portugal based on the coverage of two Brazilian newspapers: O Estado de S. Paulo and Jornal do Brasil. The journalistic narrative is understood as a time orderer in the contemporaneity, expressing a “generalized circulation of historical perception” (Nora, 1979, p. 180), mobilized by the emergence of a new phenomenon: the event. The unusual coup d’état in Portugal stirred the world’s political imagination, reviving confrontations between left and right. At that moment, in Brazil, the military dictatorship completed 10 years and the fourth president of the Armed Forces was beginning its mandate. Narratives are analyzed from different points of view: the organization of facts in time, the construction of characters, projections for the future, or the re-signification of the past.

scholarly journals O impacto da Revolução Cubana sobre a esquerda brasileira (1959-1974) [Artículo evaluado por pares]

2018 ◽  
pp. 65-79
Author(s):  
Jean Rodrigues Sales
Keyword(s):  
Cuban Revolution ◽  
Guerrilla Warfare ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Practice ◽  
Military Dictatorship ◽  
Ideological Debate ◽  
Armed Resistance ◽  
Definition Of ◽  
The Military ◽  
Present Thesis

esumenEl objetivo principal de este texto es analizar la influencia de la Revolución Cubana sobre las izquierdas comunistas brasileñas en el período de 1959 a 1974. Se trata de entender en qué medida las ideas del foquismo y la guerra de guerrillas influenciaron el debate ideológico de los comunistas brasileños y cuáles fueron sus desdoblamientos para sus formulaciones teóricas y su práctica política. La conclusión general es que diversos aspectos del ideario revolucionario cubano estuvieron presentes en el surgimiento de la izquierda revolucionaria brasileña, en el debate respecto de la lucha armada contra la dictadura militar y en la adopción de la bandera del socialismo por una parte de esa izquierda. Palabras ClaveRevolución Cubana; Guerra de guerrillas; Comunismo brasileño Abstract The main objective of the present thesis is to analyze the relationships between the Brazilian communist leftist movements and the Cuban revolution between 1959 and 1974. We aim at understanding how far the ideas of the foquismo and the guerilla war influenced the ideological debate of the Brazilian communists and the consequences for its theoretical formulations and the political practice. The general conclusion is that the Cuban revolutionary process was mainly present in the debate on the definition of the armed resistance to the military dictatorship and the adoption of socialism by a part of that leftist movement. Key-wordsCuban Revolution; Guerrilla Warfare; Brazilian Communism.  

Technology, the Military, and Democracy in Brazil

1992 ◽  
Vol 34 (1) ◽  
pp. 141-178 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ken Conca
Keyword(s):  
Political Institutions ◽  
Armed Forces ◽  
The Political ◽  
Military Government ◽  
Military Rule ◽  
Authoritarian Rule ◽  
Main Challenge ◽  
Democratic Control ◽  
The Military ◽  
Brazilian Politics

Brazil Entered the 1990s with its transition from authoritarian rule incomplete. The gradual withdrawal of the armed forces from power brought an end to over two decades of direct military rule in 1985, paving the way for a new constitution and the first presidential election in nearly 30 years. These formal democratizing changes were erected, however, on a foundation of socio-economic structures and political institutions with some decidedly non-democratic features. As a result, Brazilian politics retains some important vestiges of authoritarianism. Pre-existing centers of power in society remain extraordinarily influential within the emerging system, frequently operating beyond the reach of even nominal democratic control or oversight.If events of the 1980s did not completely transform Brazilian politics, they did redefine the main challenge of the political transition. The initial problem of replacing the military government with a civilian regime has given way to a second, less tangible, task of consolidating democratic institutions and procedures (O'Donnell, 1988).

Personalization and Institutional Constraints: Pinochet, the Military Junta, and the 1980 Constitution

2001 ◽  
Vol 43 (1) ◽  
pp. 5-28 ◽  
Author(s):  
Robert Barros
Keyword(s):  
Armed Forces ◽  
Institutional Constraints ◽  
Necessary Condition ◽  
Military Rule ◽  
Standard Account ◽  
Military Dictatorship ◽  
Personal Power ◽  
Military Junta ◽  
The Military

AbstractThe standard account of military dictatorship in Chile (1973–1990) portrays the case as a personalist regime, and uses the dynamics associated with this type of regime to explain General Pinochet's control of the presidency, the enactment of the 1980 Constitution, and the longevity of military rule. Drawing on records of the decisionmaking process within the military junta, this article presents evidence for a different characterization of the dictatorship. It shows that Pinochet never attained the supremacy commonly attributed to him, that the commanders of the other branches of the armed forces retained significant powers, and that the 1980 Constitution was not enacted to project Pinochet's personal power. More generally, this study suggests that personal power is not a necessary condition for regime longevity; collective systems can also produce cohesion and stability.

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