Citizen Approval of Monetary- vs Goods-For-Votes Exchanges

Author(s):  
Mollie J. Cohen

Abstract Does citizen approval of vote buying depend on the type of benefit being offered? I answer this question using data from a survey experiment conducted on a nationally representative sample of Nicaraguans in 2017. Nicaraguans report significantly lower approval of money-for votes exchanges compared to goods-for-votes exchanges. Furthermore, reported rates of vote buying are lower in the money condition (4.8%) than in the goods-for-votes condition (7.8%), even though the posttreatment question assessing vote buying experience was identical across conditions. This study echoes other work suggesting the need for care in designing questions about vote buying, as slight changes in question wording that prime participants to think about goods versus monetary exchanges can affect both citizen approval of the behavior and the reported prevalence of vote buying.

2019 ◽  
Vol 58 (14) ◽  
pp. 1493-1501 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jordan Vajda ◽  
Rebecca J. McAdams ◽  
Kristin J. Roberts ◽  
Motao Zhu ◽  
Lara B. McKenzie

A retrospective analysis was conducted by using data from the National Electronic Injury Surveillance System for children <5 years who were treated in US emergency departments (EDs) from 2002-2016) for a cosmetic-related injury. An estimated 64 686 (95% confidence interval = 53 037-76 335) children were treated in EDs for cosmetic-related injuries during the 15-year study period. There was no significant change in the rate (slope = 1.1 per 10 000 children per year, P = .95) of injuries over the study period. Injuries were most commonly associated with nail care (28.3%), hair care (27.0%), skin care (25.0%), and fragrance (12.7%) products. Children aged <2 years were most frequently injured (59.3%), and poisoning was the most common diagnosis (86.2%). To our knowledge, this is the first study to use a nationally representative sample to describe the epidemiology of cosmetic-related injuries among children aged <5 years. Unintentional exposure to cosmetics is an important source of injury for young children.


2012 ◽  
Vol 38 (3) ◽  
pp. 308-316 ◽  
Author(s):  
R. Chris Fraley ◽  
Caroline M. Tancredy

The objective of this research was to evaluate the hypothesis that twin relationships are attachments, using data from a nationally representative sample. The results indicated that twin siblings were more likely than nontwin siblings to be attached to their siblings. Moreover, analyses indicated that both attachment theoretical and inclusive fitness perspectives are necessary for explaining these findings. Namely, twins were more likely to be attached than nontwin siblings, as expected from an attachment perspective. But identical twins were more likely than fraternal twins to be attached to one another, as might be expected from an inclusive fitness perspective. Cross-sectional analyses indicated that older people are less likely than younger people to use their sibling as an attachment figure compared to younger people and that married adults are less likely to use their sibling as an attachment figure than nonmarried people.


2005 ◽  
Vol 68 (1) ◽  
pp. 89-102 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jody Clay-Warner ◽  
Karen A. Hegtvedt ◽  
Paul Roman

Previous research demonstrates that both procedural justice and distributive justice are important predictors of work attitudes. This research, however, fails to examine conditions that affect the relative importance of each type of justice. Here we argue that prior experiences with regard to downsizing shape individuals' workplace schemas, which in turn affect the relative salience of each type of justice for organizational commitment. We test hypotheses using data from a nationally representative sample of workers. Only distributive justice predicts organizational commitment among victims of downsizing, while procedural justice is the stronger predictor among survivors of downsizing and unaffected workers. Comparisons across models indicate that procedural justice is a more important predictor of organizational commitment for survivors and unaffected workers than for victims, while distributive justice is more important for victims than for either survivors or unaffected workers. We conclude by discussing the theoretical implications of our findings.


ILR Review ◽  
2020 ◽  
pp. 001979392095904
Author(s):  
Alexander Hertel-Fernandez ◽  
William Kimball ◽  
Thomas Kochan

Recent evidence documents an increased interest among American workers in joining a union. At the same time, there is revived debate among labor scholars, union leaders, politicians, and activists over what forms of labor representation are best suited to meet the needs of the contemporary workforce. Yet little is known about what contemporary workers have to say about these debates. This article draws on a conjoint survey experiment fielded on a nationally representative sample of more than 4,000 employees to explore the forms of representation workers want and are willing to support by paying dues. The authors compare interest in the forms of labor representation that are currently being debated. Results show that while workers value traditional collective bargaining, they would be even more willing to join and financially support organizations currently unavailable under US law and practice. The authors use these results to draw implications for the labor movement, worker advocacy groups, and the future of labor law.


2020 ◽  
Vol 49 (1) ◽  
pp. 106-113
Author(s):  
Katherine T. McCabe ◽  
Yalidy Matos ◽  
Hannah Walker

Previous work has shown public opinion toward immigrants is malleable based on how immigrants are described in media and elite rhetoric. In a survey experiment on a nationally representative sample of American adults, we extend this research to test for possible priming effects that occur based on how salient documentation status is when respondents proffer opinions on Latino immigrants. Our findings show that when subjects are first asked about “undocumented Latino immigrants,” their attitudes toward “Latino immigrants,” appear more negative, relative to when they are first asked about “Latino immigrants” without invoking the legal modifier. Respondents channel their negative associations with “illegal” or “undocumented” immigration into their opinions of Latino immigrants writ large. The results have implications for political communication, media reporting on immigration, and policy debates, which frequently discuss both “legal” and “undocumented” immigration in the same context.


Author(s):  
Gabriele Magni

Abstract How does economic inequality affect support for redistribution to native citizens and immigrants? While prior studies have examined the separate effects of inequality and immigration on redistribution preferences, the interaction between inequality and communal identity has been largely overlooked. This article explains that inequality triggers selective solidarity. Individuals exposed to inequality become more supportive of redistribution – but only if the redistribution benefits native-born citizens. Inequality therefore reinforces the already popular opinion that native citizens deserve welfare priority and widens the gap between support for natives and support for immigrants. This study first provides cross-national evidence with survey data linked to contextual socio-economic indicators from advanced industrialized countries. To evaluate causally identified effects, it then presents the results of a survey experiment administered to a nationally representative sample of Italian citizens. The findings imply that economic inequality can increase support for populist radical right parties that advocate discrimination in access to welfare services based on native citizenship.


2021 ◽  
pp. 088626052110501
Author(s):  
Eric Silver ◽  
Stacy Silver

Drawing on insights from moral psychology, we examine the influence of moral intuitions on Americans’ divergent reactions to reports of sexual assault and harassment. We hypothesize that Americans whose moral intuitions emphasize care and protection of the vulnerable will show a greater willingness to believe reports of sexual assault and harassment, while those whose moral intuitions emphasize social order and cohesion will show greater skepticism toward such reports. Using data from a nationally representative sample of USA adults ( N =1050), we find strong support for both hypotheses. We also find that the influence of moral intuitions on reactions to reports of sexual assault and harassment is partially mediated by respondents’ willingness to attribute responsibility to victims of sex crimes. Our results hold when females and males are examined separately. The study provides compelling evidence that a moral intuitionist approach is useful for understanding Americans’ divergent reactions to reports of sexual assault and harassment.


2015 ◽  
Vol 11 (02) ◽  
pp. 235-264 ◽  
Author(s):  
Kjersten Nelson

Scholars of gender and politics have long discussed the various manifestations of the “double-bind” for women who seek political leadership. Using a survey experiment with a nationally representative sample, this article examines whether this double-bind exists for female judges. The study reveals that while gender stereotypes are not uniformly applied to female judges, women on the bench are assessed differently in terms of their empathy and knowledge under certain circumstances. The article then discusses the potential implications of these gendered assessments for perceptions of the court, its actions, and women who aspire to judicial roles.


2020 ◽  
Vol 114 (3) ◽  
pp. 837-855 ◽  
Author(s):  
ALEXANDRA A. SIEGEL ◽  
VIVIENNE BADAAN

We use an experiment across the Arab Twittersphere and a nationally representative survey experiment in Lebanon to evaluate what types of counter-speech interventions are most effective in reducing sectarian hate speech online. We explore whether and to what extent messages priming common national identity or common religious identity, with and without elite endorsements, decrease the use of hostile anti-outgroup language. We find that elite-endorsed messages that prime common religious identity are the most consistently effective in reducing the spread of sectarian hate speech. Our results provide suggestive evidence that religious elites may play an important role as social referents—alerting individuals to social norms of acceptable behavior. By randomly assigning counter-speech treatments to actual producers of online hate speech and experimentally evaluating the effectiveness of these messages on a representative sample of citizens that might be incidentally exposed to such language, this work offers insights for researchers and policymakers on avenues for combating harmful rhetoric on and offline.


2020 ◽  
Vol 63 (6) ◽  
pp. 1015-1037
Author(s):  
Karin D. Martin ◽  
Matthew Z. Fowle

Restitution as a social practice can simultaneously have a punitive effect and add to a person’s criminal justice debt load, while maintaining a reparative and therefore restorative component. We use principles of restorative justice to assess restitution as a concept and a practice, drawing on data from a survey experiment administered to a nationally representative sample ( n = 433). We find that the common and strongly preferred conception of restitution is “direct,” entailing a convicted person compensating a victim for quantifiable loss. Evidence from Victim Compensation Funds (VCFs) in all 50 states demonstrate the widespread use of “indirect” restitution, through which funds from various sources are distributed to qualifying victims. Broader trends in criminal justice policy related to the centering of the victim and a managerial approach to punishment help explain our findings. We conclude that the divergence between common conception and widespread practice indicates a need for a revised notion of restitution.


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