scholarly journals Exploratory study of the global intent to accept COVID-19 vaccinations

2021 ◽  
Vol 1 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Alexandre de Figueiredo ◽  
Heidi J. Larson

Abstract Background As the world begins the rollout of multiple COVID-19 vaccines, pandemic exit strategies hinge on widespread acceptance of these vaccines. In this study, we perform a large-scale global exploratory study to examine the levels of COVID-19 vaccine acceptance and explore sociodemographic determinants of acceptance. Methods Between October 31, 2020 and December 15, 2020, 26,759 individuals were surveyed across 32 countries via nationally representative survey designs. Bayesian methods are used to estimate COVID-19 vaccination acceptance and explore the sociodemographic determinants of uptake, as well as the link between self-reported health and faith in the government’s handling of the pandemic and acceptance. Results Here we show that intent to accept a COVID-19 vaccine is low in Lebanon, France, Croatia, and Serbia and there is population-level polarisation in acceptance in Poland and Pakistan. Averaged across all countries, being male, over 65, having a high level of education, and believing that the government is handling the pandemic well are associated with increased stated acceptance, but there are country-specific deviations. A belief that the government is handling the pandemic well in Brazil and the United States is associated with lower vaccination intent. In the United Kingdom, we find that approval of the first COVID-19 vaccine in December 2020 did not appear to have an impact on the UK’s vaccine acceptance, though as rollout has continued into 2021, the UK’s uptake exceeds stated intent in large-scale surveys conducted before rollout. Conclusions Identifying factors that may modulate uptake of novel COVID-19 vaccines can inform effective immunisation programmes and policies. Differential stated intent to accept vaccines between socio-demographic groups may yield insights into the specific causes of low confidence and may suggest and inform targeted communication policies to boost confidence.

2012 ◽  
Vol 25 (1) ◽  
pp. 149-156
Author(s):  
PAUL S. REICHLER

AbstractThe Nicaragua case demonstrates the Court's competence in receiving and interpreting evidence, and in making reasoned findings of fact, even in the most complicated evidentiary context, as is often presented in cases involving use of force and armed conflict. The Court applied well-established standards for evaluating the conflicting evidence presented to it. In particular, the Court determined that greater weight should be given to statements against interest made by high-level government officials than to a state's self-serving declarations. The Court also determined that statements by disinterested witnesses with first-hand knowledge should receive greater weight than mere statements of opinion or press reports. In applying these guidelines, the Court found, correctly, that (i) the United States had used military and paramilitary force against Nicaragua both directly and indirectly, by organizing, financing, arming, and training the Contra guerrillas to attack Nicaragua; (ii) the evidence did not support a finding that the United States exercised direct control over the Contras’ day-to-day operations; and (iii) there was no evidence that Nicaragua supplied arms to guerrillas fighting against the government of El Salvador during the relevant period, or carried out an armed attack against that state. While Judge Schwebel's dissent criticized the last of these findings, in fact, the evidence fully supported the Court's conclusion. In subsequent decisions during the past 25 years, the Court has continued to rely on the approach to evidence first elaborated in the Nicaragua case and has continued to demonstrate its competence as a finder of fact, including in cases involving armed conflict (Bosnia Genocide) and complex scientific and technical issues (Pulp Mills).


2021 ◽  
pp. 1-17
Author(s):  
Cynthia Boruchowicz ◽  
Florencia Lopez Boo ◽  
Benjamin Roseth ◽  
Luis Tejerina

Abstract Given the rates of transmission of COVID-19, relying only on manual contact tracing might be infeasible to control the epidemic without sustained costly lockdowns or rapid vaccination efforts. In the first study of its kind in Latin America, we find through a phone survey of a nationally representative sample of ten countries that an opt-out regime (automatic installation) increases self-reported intention to accept a contact tracing app with exposure notification by 22 percentage points compared to an opt-in regime (voluntary installation). This effect is triple the size and of opposite sign of the effect found in Europe and the United States, potentially due to lower concerns regarding privacy and lower levels of interpersonal trust. We see that an opt-out regime is more effective in increasing willingness to accept for those who do not trust the government or do not use their smartphones for financial transactions. The local severity of the pandemic does not affect our results, but feeling personally at risk increases intent to accept such apps in general. These results can shed light on the use of default options not only for contact tracing apps but in public health overall in the context of a pandemic in Latin America.


Slave No More ◽  
2019 ◽  
pp. 164-196
Author(s):  
Aline Helg

This chapter explores the shock waves caused by the Haitian Revolution and the massive slave insurrection that took both the Americas and Europe by surprise. Despite the rarity of large-scale revolts after 1794, the Saint Domingue insurrection did have a lasting impact on the slaves. The greatest lesson they retained from Haiti was that the institution of slavery was neither unchangeable nor invincible. Amid the troubled backdrop of the age of revolutions, many attentively followed the legal changes upsetting their owners, like the Spanish Códigno Negro, the French abolition of slavery, gradual emancipation laws in the northern United States, and the ban of the slave trade by Great Britain and the United States. Furthermore, after 1794, protests during which slaves claimed freedom they believed to have been decreed by the king or the government, but hidden by their masters, multiplied.


2020 ◽  
pp. 147892992097352
Author(s):  
Aly Hiko ◽  
Austin Horng-En Wang

Early studies show that the COVID-19 pandemic causes the rally-around-the-flag effect and increases the level of nationalism among the voters after the outbreak. However, how long does this boost last? Voters may cognitively withdraw their identification to the beloved country if the pandemic is rampant in where they live as well as when the government fails to address it thoroughly. We conducted a pre-registered MTurk experiment (n = 606) on 20 April 2020, in the United States—3 months after the first confirmed case and weeks after the large-scale lockdown. Results show that US subjects who were primed of the COVID-19 in the United States significantly decreased their level of nationalism, especially among Democrats. In contrast, the priming of “COVID-19 in the world” has no effect. The negative impact of COVID-19 on nationalism could be explained by enough time as people could observe and evaluate the government’s performance after the outbreak through the partisan lens.


2017 ◽  
Vol 8 (7) ◽  
pp. 736-745 ◽  
Author(s):  
Erik P. Duhaime ◽  
Evan P. Apfelbaum

Scholars, politicians, and laypeople alike bemoan the high level of political polarization in the United States, but little is known about how to bring the views of liberals and conservatives closer together. Previous research finds that providing people with information regarding a contentious issue is ineffective for reducing polarization because people process such information in a biased manner. Here, we show that information can reduce political polarization below baseline levels and also that its capacity to do so is sensitive to contextual factors that make one’s relevant preferences salient. Specifically, in a nationally representative sample (Study 1) and a preregistered replication (Study 2), we find that providing a taxpayer receipt—an impartial, objective breakdown of how one’s taxes are spent that is published annually by the White House—reduces polarization regarding taxes, but not when participants are also asked to indicate how they would prefer their taxes be spent.


2008 ◽  
Vol 136 (9) ◽  
pp. 3465-3476 ◽  
Author(s):  
Paul J. Roebber ◽  
Kyle L. Swanson ◽  
Jugal K. Ghorai

Abstract This research examines whether an adequate representation of flow features on the synoptic scale allows for the skillful inference of mesoscale precipitating systems. The focus is on the specific problem of landfalling systems on the west coast of the United States for a variety of synoptic types that lead to significant rainfall. The methodology emphasizes rigorous hypothesis testing within a controlled hindcast setting to quantify the significance of the results. The role of lateral boundary conditions is explicitly accounted for by the study. The hypotheses that (a) uncertainty in the large-scale analysis and (b) upstream buffer size have no impact on the skill of precipitation simulations are each rejected at a high level of confidence, with the results showing that mean precipitation skill is higher where low analysis uncertainty exists and for small nested grids. This indicates that an important connection exists between the quality of the synoptic information and predictability at the mesoscale in this environment, despite the absence of such information in the initialization or boundary conditions. Further, the flow-through of synoptic information strongly constrains the evolution of the mesoscale such that a small upstream buffer produces superior results consistent with the higher quality of the information crossing the boundary. Some preliminary evidence that synoptic type has an influence on precipitation skill is also found. The implications of these results for data assimilation, forecasting, and climate modeling are discussed.


2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Christopher D Petsko ◽  
Tony Silva ◽  
Stefan Vogler

In the United States, people perceive men’s masculinity to be more precarious, or easier to lose, than women’s femininity. In the present manuscript, we investigated (1) whether men’s heterosexuality is likewise perceived to be more precarious than women’s, and if so, (2) whether this effect is exaggerated when the targets in question are Black rather than White. To investigate these questions, we conducted a large-scale (N = 3,010), nationally representative experiment in which participants read about a target person who either did or did not engage in a single same-sex sexual behavior. Results revealed that participants questioned the heterosexuality of men more than the heterosexuality of women when they engaged (vs. did not engage) in a same-sex sexual behavior. Surprisingly, these effects were not moderated by whether targets were Black vs. White. In other words, men’s heterosexuality was indeed perceived to be more precarious than women’s, irrespective of targets’ race.


2021 ◽  
Vol 3 ◽  
Author(s):  
Henry Onyeaka ◽  
Joe Firth ◽  
Valentine Enemuo ◽  
Chioma Muoghalu ◽  
John Naslund ◽  
...  

Aim: The present study aimed to investigate the cross-sectional association between self-reported use of electronic wearable devices (EWDs) and the levels of physical activity among a representative sample of adults with depression and anxiety in the United States.Methods: For this cross-sectional study, data were pooled from the Health Information National Trends Survey 2019. A sample of 1,139 adults with self-reported depression and anxiety (60.9% women; mean age of 52.5 years) was analyzed. The levels of physical activity and prevalence of EWD utilization were self-reported. The chi-square tests were used to compare individual characteristics through the use of EWDs. Multivariable logistic regression was employed to investigate the association between EWDs and physical activity levels while adjusting for sociodemographic and health-related factors.Results: From the 1,139 adults with self-reported depression and anxiety, 261 (weighted percentage 28.1%) endorsed using EWD in the last year. After adjusting for covariates, the use of EWDs was only significantly associated with a higher odds of reporting intention to lose weight (OR 2.12; 95% CI 1.04, 4.35; p = 0.04). We found no association between the use of EWDs and meeting the national weekly recommendation for physical activity or resistance/strength exercise training.Conclusion: About three in 10 adults suffering from depression and anxiety in the United States reported using EWDs in the last year. The current study findings indicate that among people living with mental illness, EWD use is associated with higher odds of weight loss intent suggesting that EWDs may serve as an opening for the clinical interactions around physical health through identifying patients primed for behavior change. Further large-scale studies using randomized trial designs are needed to examine the causal relationships between EWDs and the physical activity of people with mental health conditions.


1978 ◽  
Vol 9 (4) ◽  
pp. 399-426
Author(s):  
Laurence W. Maher

On the evening of 18 November 1976 the Foreign Proceedings (Prohibition of Certain Evidence) Act 1976 passed through both Houses of Federal Parliament in less than three hours. The Federal Government claimed that the Act was urgently needed to protect the Australian national interest, which was said generally to be threatened by attempts being made to gather evidence in Australia for use in large-scale litigation in the United States of America arising put of an international uranium cartel The Parliamentary debate did little credit either to the Government or the Opposition. It is necessary to go beyond the Parliamentary Debates to make an informed assessment of the Act. When the facts are examined it becomes clear that the Government's claim that the situation was urgent was unfounded, that the appeal to the national interest was at best highly questionable and that, because of the availability of appropriate judicial process, legislative action was unnecessary. The Act is alarmingly vague and reposes wide discretionary powers in the Attorney-General. Its passage and operation have quite disturbing implications for parliamentary democracy and the principle of open government. Where uranium is concerned the Federal Government is showing an increasing tendency to use the Parliament as a cipher.


Author(s):  
Trevor G. Mazzucchelli

There is considerable evidence supporting the efficacy and effectiveness of parenting interventions based on social learning principles for a range of social, emotional, and health problems, involving different types of families and through a variety of delivery systems. The challenge now is “going to scale” in order to have a positive impact at a population level. This chapter introduces three best practice exemplars that have taken place in the United States, Ireland, and Australia, where a full multilevel systems approach to parenting support has been applied and evaluated. These applications provide important lessons regarding the barriers and facilitators that can influence an initiative’s success and degree of impact. By illustrating how these approaches have involved different populations, behavioral targets, evaluation designs, and means of assessing outcome, they also hint at the many possibilities that are available in future dissemination efforts.


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