scholarly journals Priming COVID-19 salience increases prejudice and discriminatory intent against Asians and Hispanics

2021 ◽  
Vol 118 (36) ◽  
pp. e2105125118
Author(s):  
Yao Lu ◽  
Neeraj Kaushal ◽  
Xiaoning Huang ◽  
S. Michael Gaddis

Mounting reports in the media suggest that the COVID-19 pandemic has intensified prejudice and discrimination against racial/ethnic minorities, especially Asians. Existing research has focused on discrimination against Asians and is primarily based on self-reported incidents or nonrepresentative samples. We investigate the extent to which COVID-19 has fueled prejudice and discrimination against multiple racial/ethnic minority groups in the United States by examining nationally representative survey data with an embedded vignette experiment about roommate selection (collected in August 2020; n = 5,000). We find that priming COVID-19 salience has an immediate, statistically significant impact: compared to the control group, respondents in the treatment group exhibited increased prejudice and discriminatory intent against East Asian, South Asian, and Hispanic hypothetical room-seekers. The treatment effect is more pronounced in increasing extreme negative attitudes toward the three minority groups than decreasing extreme positive attitudes toward them. This is partly due to the treatment increasing the proportion of respondents who perceive these minority groups as extremely culturally incompatible (Asians and Hispanics) and extremely irresponsible (Asians). Sociopolitical factors did not moderate the treatment effects on attitudes toward Asians, but prior social contact with Hispanics mitigated prejudices against them. These findings suggest that COVID-19–fueled prejudice and discrimination have not been limited to East Asians but are part of a broader phenomenon that has affected Asians generally and Hispanics as well.

2021 ◽  
pp. 215336872110389
Author(s):  
Andrew J. Baranauskas

In the effort to prevent school shootings in the United States, policies that aim to arm teachers with guns have received considerable attention. Recent research on public support for these policies finds that African Americans are substantially less likely to support them, indicating that support for arming teachers is a racial issue. Given the racialized nature of support for punitive crime policies in the United States, it is possible that racial sentiment shapes support for arming teachers as well. This study aims to determine the association between two types of racial sentiment—explicit negative feelings toward racial/ethnic minority groups and racial resentment—and support for arming teachers using a nationally representative data set. While explicit negative feelings toward African Americans and Hispanics are not associated with support for arming teachers, those with racial resentments are significantly more likely to support arming teachers. Racial resentment also weakens the effect of other variables found to be associated with support for arming teachers, including conservative ideology and economic pessimism. Implications for policy and research are discussed.


2018 ◽  
Vol 28 (2) ◽  
pp. 123 ◽  
Author(s):  
Lauren Brown ◽  
Reginald Tucker-Seeley

<p>The recent trend of premature death among Whites in the United States has garnered attention in both the popular and academic literature. This attention has focused on the plight of low socioeconomic status Whites in non-urban areas. The population health lit­erature in general and the health disparities literature more specifically has struggled to describe differences in health when White groups present worse health outcomes or worsening trends compared with racial/ ethnic minority groups. There remain many open questions as population health/health disparities research attempts to explain the increasing mortality rates for low socioeco­nomic status Whites in non-urban areas in relationship to other racial/ethnic groups. As the conversation in the academic and popular literature continues to unfold, a key question for population health research and practice is how will the ‘deaths of despair’ phenomenon among Whites influence our measuring of, and reporting and interven­ing on, race/ethnic health disparities? <em></em></p><p><em>Ethn Dis. </em>2018;28(2):123-128; doi:10.18865/ ed.28.2.123.</p>


Circulation ◽  
2015 ◽  
Vol 132 (suppl_3) ◽  
Author(s):  
Nilay Kumar ◽  
Rohan Khera ◽  
Neetika Garg

Background and objectives: Heart failure (HF) incidence is higher among Blacks compared to Whites. There is a paucity of recent data on racial differences in in-hospital mortality and resource utilization in a nationally representative, multiracial cohort of HF hospitalizations. Hypothesis: There are significant racial-ethnic differences in HF hospitalization outcomes. Methods: We used the 2011-2012 Nationwide/National Inpatient Sample to identify hospitalizations with a primary diagnosis of HF using relevant ICD-9 codes. Outcomes of interest were in-hospital mortality, length of stay (LOS) and mean inflation adjusted charges. The effect of race on outcomes was ascertained using logistic or linear regression. Results: 375,740 primary HF hospitalizations representing 1.8 million hospitalizations nationwide were included. Mean age was 72.6 (SD 14.6) years and 50.1% were females. After adjusting for age, sex, hypertension, diabetes, APR-DRG mortality risk and socioeconomic status, in-hospital mortality was significantly lower for Blacks (OR 0.69, 95% CI 0.64 - 0.74; p<0.001), Hispanics (OR 0.82, 95% CI 0.75 - 0.91; p<0.001) and Asians or Pacific Islanders (OR 0.85, 95% CI 0.73 - 0.99; p=0.04) compared to Whites. Average inflation adjusted charges were significantly higher for all minorities compared to Whites except for Native Americans for whom charges were significantly lower than Whites (p<0.05 for Black, Hispanic, Asian, NA or Others vs. Whites). LOS was modestly higher for Blacks or Other races vs. Whites (p=0.01 B vs. W and Others vs. W) and lower for Native Americans vs. Whites (p<0.001). Conclusions: Blacks, Hispanics and Asians hospitalized for HF are significantly less likely to die in the hospital compared to Whites. Hospital charges for racial-ethnic minorities are significantly higher compared to Whites. The reasons for racial differences in HF hospitalization outcomes require further investigation.


Transfusion ◽  
2017 ◽  
Vol 57 (7) ◽  
pp. 1644-1655 ◽  
Author(s):  
Mark H. Yazer ◽  
Ralph Vassallo ◽  
Meghan Delaney ◽  
Marc Germain ◽  
Matthew S. Karafin ◽  
...  

2018 ◽  
Vol 71 (4) ◽  
pp. 960-974 ◽  
Author(s):  
Bryan Wilcox-Archuleta

In-group identity is particularly important in understanding political behavior among minority populations living in the United States. Despite its importance, we know relativity little about what explains variation in perceptions of group identity among U.S.-based minority groups. I develop a theoretical framework drawing extensively for social identity theory to explain development of in-group identities among Latinos in the United States. I suggest the availability of neighborhood-level ethnic stimuli increases the likelihood that Latinos will come to see themselves a part of pan-ethnic group rather than a unique individual. I use the 2008 Collaborative Multi-Racial Political Survey (CMPS), a nationally representative public opinion poll of registered voters with oversamples of Latino respondents. I find that the availability of ethnic stimuli positively associates with stronger perceptions of group identity among Latinos. Latinos who live in contexts rich with ethnic stimuli and cues are more likely to adopt in-group identities than those who live in environments lacking ethnically salient resources.


Author(s):  
Amy Austin Holmes

This book offers the first analysis of both the revolution and counterrevolution in Egypt, beginning in January 2011 until July 2018. The period of revolutionary upheaval played out in three uprisings against three distinct forms of authoritarian rule: the Mubarak regime and the police state that protected it, the unelected military junta known as the Supreme Council of Armed Forces, and the religious authoritarianism of the Muslim Brotherhood. The second part of the book analyzes the counterrevolution, which is divided into two periods: the first under Adly Mansour as interim president; and the second after Abdel Fattah El -Sisi was elected president. During the first wave, the regime imprisoned or killed the leadership of the Muslim Brotherhood and many secular activists, while during the second wave the regime turned against civil society at large: nongovernmental organizations , charities, the media, academia, and minority groups. In addition to providing new and unprecedented empirical data, the book makes two theoretical contributions. First, a new framework is presented for analyzing the state apparatus in Egypt, which is based on four pillars of regime support that can either prop up or press upon those in power: the Egyptian military, the business elite, the United States, and the multiheaded opposition. Second , the book brings together the literature on bottom-up revolutionary movements and top-down military coups, and it introduces the concept of a coup from below in contrast to the revolution from above that took place under Gamal Abdel Nasser.


Author(s):  
Christina Campbell ◽  
William Miller

Juvenile risk assessment instruments have provided juvenile courts with the opportunity to make standardized decisions concerning sentences and intervention needs. Risk assessments have replaced the reliance on professional decision-making practices in which court officials relied on their hunches or previous experience to determine what to do with youth once they became involved in corrections. A primary goal of juvenile risk assessment is to improve case management and help courts focus resources on juveniles who exhibit the greatest intervention needs. Further, juvenile risk assessments play a critical role in estimating which juveniles will likely reoffend by identifying factors that increase the propensity of future offending. Although some researchers believe that the implementation of standardized juvenile risk assessments is a good strategy for reducing biased decision-making for racial/ethnic minorities, other researchers have called into question the extent to which risk assessments overestimate risk for certain juveniles, especially those in minority groups who have a history of being marginalized due to their race, culture, or ethnicity. This article provides an overview of how well juvenile risk assessment instruments predict future delinquency across race and ethnicity. The review suggests that in general, risk assessments do a good job in predicting recidivism across racial/ethnic groups for diverse populations inside and outside the United States. However, there is still some room for improvement concerning the assessment of risk and needs for ethnic minorities. In addition, while there are some studies that do not report the predictive validity of risk assessment scores across race/ethnicity, risk assessments overall seem to be a promising effort to correctly classify and/or identify juveniles who are at greatest risk for future recidivism.


2019 ◽  
Vol 39 (5) ◽  
pp. 490-501 ◽  
Author(s):  
Scott D. Landes ◽  
Suzie S. Weng

Home health aides are crucial to ensuring quality services for the growing older adult population needing home-based care in the United States. We utilize data from the nationally representative 2007 National Home Health Aide Survey ( N = 3,344) to analyze racial–ethnic disparity in turnover intent. Non-Hispanic Black and non-Hispanic Other home health aides had higher all-cause turnover intent than Non-Hispanic Whites. Cause-specific turnover intent varied by race–ethnicity. Compared with non-Hispanic White home health aides, (a) non-Hispanic Black home health aides were more likely to leave due to low pay and educational/advancement opportunities; (b) Hispanic home health aides were more likely to leave due to a perceived lack of respect or difficulty with their supervisor/agency; and (c) non-Hispanic home health aides were more likely to leave due to an impending move. Findings suggest that efforts to address high levels of turnover intent among home health aides should account for differences in race–ethnic groups.


2019 ◽  
Vol 47 (2) ◽  
pp. 123-139 ◽  
Author(s):  
Laura E. Captari ◽  
Laura Shannonhouse ◽  
Joshua N. Hook ◽  
Jamie D. Aten ◽  
Edward B. Davis ◽  
...  

Debates about immigration policy have sparked increasingly negative attitudes toward refugees, particularly those of Muslim identification. Research to date has found that post-immigration prejudice and discrimination, often reinforced at a systemic level, pose an additional psychological burden to refugees. The present study explored associations between cultural humility, moral foundations, political orientation, religious commitment, and xenophobia toward Syrian refugees. Data were collected from adults ( N = 996) in the United States during the 2016 presidential election cycle. Cultural humility was positively correlated with openness to immigration and moral foundations of care and fairness, and inversely related to prejudicial attitudes, perceived real and symbolic threat, and moral foundations of loyalty, authority, and purity. Over and above political identification and religiosity, cultural humility was found to be uniquely associated with more positive attitudes toward Syrian refugees. Additionally, the relationship between the moral foundations of care and fairness and positive attitudes toward refugees was mediated by cultural humility. Findings are discussed in light of the biblical mandate within Christianity to welcome foreigners and advocate for the vulnerable, while balancing compassion with wisdom. In addition to approaching psychological care with refugees through the lens of cultural humility, psychologists have a unique opportunity to advocate for this population through systems-level intervention. We discuss ways to cultivate the moral foundations of care and fairness at church and community levels, which may facilitate greater cultural humility.


2010 ◽  
Vol 43 (02) ◽  
pp. 309-316 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jessica Lavariega Monforti ◽  
Adam McGlynn

AbstractThe breadth of material covered in introductory U.S. government and politics survey courses creates a situation in which the textbooks used may serve as the primary source of information students receive about the country's political system. At the same time, their content represents a conscious choice by the authors, editors, and publishers of these textbooks regarding what topics and content are necessary and worthy of publication, which socializes students to accept particular viewpoints of the formation and operation of the U.S. government. Oftentimes, the information presented in textbooks across subdisciplines ignores the political experiences and influence of racial, ethnic, and other minority groups. We test this premise by engaging in a study of 29 introductory U.S. government and politics textbooks to assess the level of coverage and treatment of Latinos/as, the fastest growing racial/ethnic group in the country. We find that the discussion of Latinos in these textbooks is incredibly brief and often limited to the civil rights chapters. Furthermore, Latinos are primarily mentioned in the discussion of immigration, while their overall contributions to the political development of the United States are largely ignored.


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