Nation Building, Democratization and Globalization as Competing Priorities in Ukraine's Education System*

2008 ◽  
Vol 36 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-23 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jan Germen Janmaat

One of the greatest challenges currently facing the new states in Central and Eastern Europe is educational reform. After obtaining independence in the early 1990s, these states were confronted with the immense task of transforming an outdated centralized education system, which was aimed at delivering a loyal communist workforce, into a modern system that would be much more responsive to consumer demands and would recognize and further individual talent. The immensity of the undertaking lies in the fact that three discourses make simultaneous demands on the education system: nation building, democratization and globalization.

Author(s):  
Ilyas Saliba ◽  
Wolfgang Merkel

The theory of the dilemma of simultaneity is empirically based on the transformations of post-socialist states in Central and Eastern Europe. The transformations after the collapse of the socialist bloc were without precedent with regards to breadth and depth. The dilemma of simultaneity consists of three parallel transition processes on three dimensions. The first part of this chapter explores the three dimensions of the transitions: nation building, political transformation, and economic transformation. The second part discusses the three levels of transformation: (1) ethno-national identity and territory, (2) polity, and (3) socio-economic distribution. The third part highlights the complexity and challenges of multidimensional simultaneous transformation processes. The fourth and fifth parts discuss the role of international actors and socio-economic structures on the transitions in Central and Eastern Europe. The chapter concludes with an account of Elster’s and Offe’s critics and their response.


2021 ◽  
Vol 11 (1) ◽  
pp. 3-9
Author(s):  
Adam Balcer

Abstract The year of 1918 was a crucial point in the history of Europe. Its importance does not only stem from the end of World War I, but also from the establishment of new states. Eastern Europe was particularly an arena where many new states emerged after the dissolution of tsarist Russia. The abovementioned process was correlated with the outcome of World War I (the defeat of the Central Powers on the Western Front and their victory on the Eastern Front against the tsarist Russia resulting in imposing their protectorate over Eastern Europe) but simultaneously it was influenced by the 1917 Bolshevik Revolution originating from a structural crisis of Russia. The legacy of nation-building processes, taking place in the period of 1917–1921 in the European part of the tsarist Russia— even when some of the states did not manage to survive— occupies a key role in the historical memories of those countries. The importance of this legacy originates from the fact that these states often constituted the most progressive nation-building efforts in the world. The wider context of these developments and the important interlinkages existing between them are very often unfamiliar to many Europeans today. Despite that, the state-building attempts, undertaken in Eastern Europe between 1917 and 1921, had a huge impact on the trajectory of European history. Contextualising this particular academic enquiry with the events of 1918 and benefiting from methodological advantages of process tracing, our project represents an attempt to restore (or, if necessary, build from scratch) a communicational system for sending a historical message to a wider Europe. A century after, while celebrating the Finnish, Estonian, Latvian, Lithuanian and Polish truly big anniversaries in 2017–2018, Europeans have already forgotten how interconnected and interlinked the 1918-bound events had been and by how much those events had affected the entire European continent as well as the international system.


2020 ◽  
Vol 3 (1) ◽  
pp. 26-45
Author(s):  
Douglas Neander Sambati

This article discusses the relationship between Western donors and Romani and Romani-friendly organizations in Central and Eastern Europe after 1989. Based on literature review, interviews, reports, and websites, this paper upholds that the burst of Romani and Romani-friendly organizations in Central and Eastern Europe after 1989 primarily was made possible by financial support and expertise coming from Western organizations. Together with their work methodology, so-called donors took their own framework on  understanding groupings and enforced the concept of nation upon Gypsy/Romani populations. Therefore, Western donors and Romani activists and intellectuals alike essentialized (claimed) Gypsy/Romani traits in order to support a nation-building rhetoric. These Romani activists and intellectuals, in turn, are a legacy of policies from planned economies, and they actually might represent Gypsy/Romani communities from a privileged perspective – no longer fully insiders but as a vanguard.


Author(s):  
Noah Benezra Strote

This chapter addresses the question of cultural identity and cultural minorities, particularly the state's proper relationship to the values associated with Christianity and Judaism—the two main religions represented among the nation's population. As a precondition of entry to the League of Nations, the governments of new states in central and eastern Europe with a regional history of ethnic strife were required to negotiate treaties guaranteeing specific rights for people who did not identify as the national majority and thus faced a danger of discrimination. The League Council's commission on minorities had not, however, required the German government to sign any special protection treaty regarding Jews. Leaders of the central Jewish organizations in Germany had never sought a legal minority status. On the contrary, they claimed to be an integral part of the German cultural community, a religious faith group just like Protestants or Catholics whose members were inseparable from and contributed actively to German culture as Jews.


2019 ◽  
Vol 62 (4 (463)) ◽  
pp. 63-69
Author(s):  
Judit Dobry

The early 20th century was a very turbulent period of time especially for the countries of Central and Eastern Europe – the Central Powers were defeated in World War I, the Austro-Hungarian Monarchy disappeared from the maps and new states were created. After signing the Treaty of Trianon in 1920, more than one million Hungarian people found themselves living behind the borders of Czechoslovakia. For Hungarians living in minority, the establishment of specific culture was crucial. The paper deals with the process of formation and re-creation of Hungarian literature within the newly formed First Czechoslovak Republic, and also attends to introduce the struggle of this newly established ethnic literature in the first decade of its existence, as well as the attempt to define itself.


2005 ◽  
Vol 33 (1) ◽  
pp. 97-117
Author(s):  
Ieva Zake

The development of new states in Central and Eastern Europe during the inter-war period was an enthusiastic attempt to build free and democratic societies, which unfortunately was soon followed by a sense of disappointment among both the public and political elites. This eventually led to the replacement of the young democracies with authoritarian regimes in Estonia, Lithuania, Poland and other countries. I explore this growth of anti-democratic tendencies through the case of Latvian democracy and its opponents in the 1920s and early 1930s. I particularly focus on the role of the nationalist intelligentsia as the author of anti-democratic and pro-authoritarian political ideas.


Author(s):  
Tomila V. Lankina ◽  
Anneke Hudalla ◽  
Hellmut Wollmann

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