Malacca Strait Security Initiative: Potential for Indian Navy's Participation in the Evolving Regional Security Environment

Author(s):  
Shishir Upadhyaya
2020 ◽  
Vol 12 (4) ◽  
pp. 227-239
Author(s):  
Radoslav IVANČÍK ◽  
Pavel NEČAS

This paper presents the ongoing research and, deals, in the framework of interdisciplinary scientific research, with various military and non-military threats and their negative impact on the security of contemporary human society. In this research, the authors point out the continuous deterioration of the global and regional security environment and the growth of symmetric and asymmetric security threats with focus on the air transport, and the resulting negative consequences for the security of the states and their citizens. In order to contribute to the development of security science, the authors examine the issues of terrorism as an asymmetric security threat, focusing in particular on terrorism and terrorist activities of the air transport and measures taken to eliminate terrorism in the airspace.


Author(s):  
Timothy Doyle ◽  
Dennis Rumley

In this chapter we argue that one of the principal inhibitors of sustainable security and stability in the Indo-Pacific region is that the Cold War has yet to end. Strategic concepts and postures reflecting containment, ‘constrainment’, sphere of influence, expansionism, and territorial competition still inhabit the rhetoric not just of the regional security environment. Regional strategies can therefore be interpreted within the framework of Cold War ‘logic’, thus impeding regional security cooperation. The ‘old’ Cold War has thus been perpetuated, reinforced, and reinterpreted as a ‘new’ Cold War due to geopolitical competition over global and regional primacy. Even within this process of geopolitical competition, old geopolitical concepts such as ‘pivot’ and ‘Indo-Pacific’ have also been reinterpreted and reused to justify new strategies that ultimately continue to foster a new Cold War in the region. Indeed, the Indo-Pacific has returned as a central element of the new Cold War.


2015 ◽  
Vol 01 (04) ◽  
pp. 573-589 ◽  
Author(s):  
Zhexin Zhang

Facing increasing challenges to regional peace and stability, yet feeling isolated in several key security mechanisms in the Asia-Pacific, China has been taking active measures to improve its security environment and to foster a new regional security architecture based on the “New Asian Security Concept,” in order to achieve a lasting and commonly beneficial collective security order in the region. Though no official blueprint has been established by the Chinese government, one can expect China to push forward an all-inclusive and comprehensive platform as the core of the new architecture which features collective security driven by major powers based on their consulted consensus. Yet China will not seek to build a completely new Asia-Pacific security architecture to replace the old one. Instead, it is taking a pragmatic and incremental approach to shape the necessary environment for the evolution of the old architecture into a more inclusive and balanced one. If Sino-U.S. relations can be well managed and China continues to project its growing power in a refrained and contributive way to provide more public goods for regional peace and development, then it is hopeful that a new regional security architecture will take shape in the coming decades.


2008 ◽  
Vol 33 (2) ◽  
pp. 71-94 ◽  
Author(s):  
S. Paul Kapur

The tenth anniversary of India's and Pakistan's 1998 nuclear tests enables scholars to revisit the issue of South Asian proliferation with a decade of hindsight. What lessons do the intervening years hold regarding nuclear weapons' impact on South Asian security? Some scholars claim that nuclear weapons had a beneficial effect during this period, helping to stabilize historically volatile Indo-Pakistani relations. Such optimistic analyses of proliferation's regional security impact are mistaken, however. Nuclear weapons have had two destabilizing effects on the South Asian security environment. First, nuclear weapons' ability to shield Pakistan against all-out Indian retaliation, and to attract international attention to Pakistan's dispute with India, encouraged aggressive Pakistani behavior. This, in turn, provoked forceful Indian responses, ranging from large-scale mobilization to limited war. Although the resulting Indo-Pakistani crises did not lead to nuclear or full-scale conventional conflict, such fortunate outcomes were not guaranteed and did not result primarily from nuclear deterrence. Second, these Indo-Pakistani crises led India to adopt a more aggressive conventional military posture toward Pakistan. This development could exacerbate regional security-dilemma dynamics and increase the likelihood of Indo-Pakistani conflict in years to come. Thus nuclear weapons not only destabilized South Asia in the first decade after the nuclear tests; they may damage the regional security environment well into the future.


Author(s):  
O. G. Paramonov

In the face of deteriorating the regional security environment in East Asia, a noticeable growth of Japan’s defense capabilities and Tokyo’s departure from most self-restraints in the field of security policy look quite expected and natural process. At the same time, Japan continues to rely on the alliance with the United States. On the other hand, relations between Washington and Moscow are now at their lowest point since the Cold War. Japan itself has territorial claims to Russia. This means, based on confrontational logic that returns to the international agenda, that Japan’s traditionally reserved attitude towards Russia should be maintained. However, today we are witnessing a different situation. After the start of regular personal meetings between Russian President Vladimir Putin and Japanese Prime Minister Shinzo Abe, the dialogue is intensified on a wide range of issues, including those related to international security, and especially its regional aspect. Although certain background for that was noted before the Sochi meeting between V. Putin and S. Abe, this foreign policy turn, and, in particular, its speed, came as a surprise not only for Tokyo’s Western partners, but also for many Japanese politicians and experts. This article is devoted to the analysis of its possible causes, as well as the search for an answer to the next question.Is the dialogue between Russia and Japan a situational political maneuver or a step towards cooperation on security issues?


2020 ◽  
Vol 1(14)/2020 (1(14)/2020) ◽  
pp. 157-184
Author(s):  
Claudiu Bratu ◽  
Mariana Barbu

Civil protection activity is of national interest. Implementation of civil protection measures and actions represents an element to analyze and quantify the country good governance in peace time. The strategic objective of NATO Crisis Response Measures implementation in civil protection area is that of civil protection and consist in ensuring the continuity of constitutional functions by the Romanian State and increasing the national resilience in the context of civil protection situations occurrence, by protecting the population, respectively reducing social and economic effects. The responsibility of the civil protection system in the context of implementing NATO Crisis Response Measures needs to be seen and understood as a fundamental element of state functioning. The involvement of state structures in this area indicates the level of stability/instability of the national and regional security environment. The improvement of the Civil Protection national system should also be seen from the perspective of internal and international challenges. These can be addressed more effectively, with lower effects in terms of human and material costs, through a correct approach to addressing legislative gaps, eliminating relatively divergent and circumstantial approaches by the institutional form of certain strategic issues. In a complex geopolitical context for Romania, the correct approach to civil protection, which as a whole addresses the protection of the population in emergency, crisis or war situations, as well as the support to military structures involved in military actions or in fulfilling the responsibilities of the Host Nation Support, must represent a major concern for the highest political decision-makers, namely the supreme legislative body that is the Romanian Parliament.


2019 ◽  
pp. 133-145
Author(s):  
Alika GUCHUA

The issue of the international security has become more pressing actual in 21st century due to the appearance of new dangers and challenges in the modern world, which were not typical for the previous century. On the background of geopolitical transition, the role of strategic offensive arms and weapons of mass destruction has become more important. In the modern world, it is important to maintain strategic parity on arms when global challenges pose a serious threat to all humanity. In this paper, we discussed the reasons for the cancellation of the Treaty on the Elimination of intermediate-range and short-range missiles of 1987 and the dangers that are threatening the world. The USA and Russia have officially announced that they are starting modernizing and producing ballistic missiles and what is more important, their policies are forcing other countries to produce similar arms. The paper focuses on the security environment of the Baltic, Adriatic and Black Sea regions, the dangers that resulted from the cancellation of the abovementioned agreement. The Politics of Strategic Bullying in the Bipolar Era, the “Cold War” phenomenon and geopolitical processes of New Cold War is also discussed in this paper. Also, discussing the role of strategic offensive arms and defining NATO's role in ensuring international security has an important place in this paper.


Author(s):  
Veaceslav Ungureanu ◽  

The research of the fundamental problem for ensuring the institutional resilience of the national security of the Republic of Moldova during the COVID-19 pandemic consists of the analysis of the geopolitical coordinate of the international events that determines the process of transforming the regional and international security environment. COVID-19 pandemic phenomenon can be considered a multi-dimensional global crisis in which the foreign policy actions of the great powers and regional powers have intensified in order to influence the reconfiguration of the geopolitical architecture of the international security system and the security complex structure in different regions of the world. The main idea of the subject proposed for scientific examination consists of investigating the impact of the geopolitical context of the regional security environment during the global pandemic generated by the new type of COVID-19 Coronavirus on the process of ensuring national security of the Republic of Moldova. Profifi ling fifi rst the examination of the political-military cooperation relations between the Republic Moldova and the North Atlantic Alliance, especially during the COVID-19 pandemic, contributed to the elucidation of the opportunities provided by the Alliance to increase the level of the institutional resilience of the national security and defense system of the Republic of Moldova, which needs further substantial support of the development partners, by ensuring the adjustment of the national security components to the Euro-Atlantic standards that will strengthen the capability and interoperability degree in the national security and defense field, thus discouraging possible menaces and counteracting current risks and threats.


2019 ◽  
Vol 55 (04) ◽  
pp. 1940009
Author(s):  
WILLIAM NORRIS

This is a study of learning and socialization in China’s foreign security policy, examining how China has at times been more assertive and in other instances has taken a more accommodating approach in its foreign security policy behavior. This paper argues that China has been “socialized” by its international security environment by exploring Kenneth Waltz’s theoretical mechanism of the “socialization” of states in the international system. The 1995–1996 Taiwan Strait Crisis and the early 2000s, the Senkaku/Diaoyutai crises from 2012 to 2015, and the South China Sea in the mid-1990s are all instances in which China has employed force only to suffer strategically. This has eventually led to a less confrontational posture and contributed to the pursuit of a more cooperative engagement strategy with both Southeast Asia (from 1998 to 2008) and Taiwan ([Formula: see text]2006–2016). Variations in China’s assertiveness can be explained by the combination of domestic politics and signals from China’s international security environment.


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