Mobilizing the Invisible: Power and Marginality in the Black LGBTQ Community

2020 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ravi K. Perry ◽  
Aaron D. Camp
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Political Institutions ◽  
Public Discourse ◽  
White Supremacy ◽  
Body Politic ◽  
The United States ◽  
The Body ◽  
Coalition Building ◽  
Structural Inequities ◽  
The Impact

Symbolic and structural inequities that seek to maintain White supremacy have sought to render Black LGBTQ Americans invisible in the body politic of powerful institutions that govern society. In the face of centuries-long oppression at the hands of the state, Black LGBTQ Americans have effectively mobilized to establish visibility on the national policymaking agenda. Members of this community have demonstrated a fierce resilience while confronting a violent anti-Black and anti-LGBTQ mainstream agenda narrative in media and politics. This sociopolitical marginalization—from members of their shared demographic, or not, is often framed in partisan or ideological terms in public discourse and in the halls of American political institutions. Secondary marginalization theory and opinion polling frame how personal identity and social experience shape the Black LGBTQ political movement’s expression of what participation in politics in the United States ought to earn them in return. Double-consciousness theory contextualizes the development of Black LGBTQ sociopolitical marginalization in the United States and the community’s responsive mobilization over time—revealing the impact of coalition building and self-identification toward establishing political visibility necessary to improve the lived conditions of the multiply oppressed.

Diverse Pathways to Immigrant Political Incorporation

2011 ◽  
Vol 55 (9) ◽  
pp. 1123-1130 ◽  
Author(s):  
Sarah J. Mahler ◽  
Myer Siemiatycki
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Body Politic ◽  
The United States ◽  
The Body ◽  
Political Life ◽  
Political Systems ◽  
Political Activities ◽  
States Immigration ◽  
Immigrant Political Incorporation ◽  
The Impact

In both Canada and the United States, immigration is producing major demographic and sociocultural changes. Yet relatively little research has been devoted to the impact of immigration on each country’s political life. Even less attention has been paid to comparing the patterns of immigrant political participation in both countries. This has left underinvestigated a host of important questions about the body politic of Canada and the United States: Measured at national, urban, and community scales, do immigrants in the two countries become integrated into formal politics such as voting and running for elected office? Are they engaged in more informal political activities such as community and ethnic organizing? If so, then how do various immigrant communities mobilize politically, form agendas and alliances, express their voices, and expand their opportunities? As more countries and cities around the world become immigration destinations, there is much to be learned about creating inclusive political systems from the comparative experience of Canada and the United States illustrated in this volume.

The Body Politic and the Politics of Two Bodies: Abraham and Mary Todd Lincoln in Death

Prospects ◽  
1997 ◽  
Vol 22 ◽  
pp. 109-132 ◽  
Author(s):  
Gary Laderman
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Collective Memory ◽  
Public Memory ◽  
Body Politic ◽  
The United States ◽  
Abraham Lincoln ◽  
Northern Region ◽  
The Body ◽  
Two Bodies ◽  
American Nation

Abraham Lincoln has been mythologized and deified in the American imagination, occupying a preeminent place in the collective memory of the nation. He occupies this place because he is believed to embody the ideals and values of the country and because he seemed to preside with grace, equanimity, and wisdom over one of the most destructive conflicts in America's history. In life, but even more consequently in death, his presence – as “rail splitter,” “Great Emancipator,” and “Father Abraham” – conjures up an array of events, symbols, and myths that give definition and meaning to the American nation. When he died, an unprecedented funeral celebration occurred in the Northern region of the United States that solidified his privileged place in the country's pantheon of great heroes. The series of events that took place after his assassination, as well as his emplotment in public memory since then, suggest that his death, as tragic and painful as it was, added to the cohesion, unity, and the very life of the nation when it was most seriously threatened by chaos and degeneration.

Teaching Literary Realism in Transnational America

2019 ◽  
pp. 605-620
Author(s):  
Nathaniel Cadle
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
American Literature ◽  
Henry James ◽  
Body Politic ◽  
The United States ◽  
The Body ◽  
Literary Realism ◽  
Self Awareness ◽  
Student Body ◽  
Ethical Implications

This chapter contends that foregrounding transnational approaches in classrooms provides opportunities to advocate the value of studying literary realism to students, administrators, and the broader community. Literature’s capacity to enable recognition, whether it leads to greater self-awareness or the acknowledgment of others, makes it a powerful tool for social justice, inspiring social movements and filling the emotional needs of the disempowered. Centering the teaching of realism on such authors as Charles Chesnutt, Abraham Cahan, and Sui Sin Far, who rendered the multicultural composition of the United States more legible, helps the academy’s increasingly diverse student body see themselves and one another in the long tradition of American literature. Assigning lesser-taught texts by William Dean Howells, Henry James, and other canonical authors demonstrates realism’s continued relevance, because these texts address the challenges of incorporating diversity into the body politic and the ethical implications of the United States’ global power.

The Impact of the COVID-19 Pandemic on the Needs and Lived Experiences of Intimate Partner Violence Survivors in the United States: Advocate Perspectives

2021 ◽  
pp. 107780122110548
Author(s):  
Maya I. Ragavan ◽  
Lauren Risser ◽  
Virginia Duplessis ◽  
Sarah DeGue ◽  
Andrés Villaveces ◽  
...  
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Intimate Partner Violence ◽  
Harm Reduction ◽  
Partner Violence ◽  
Lived Experiences ◽  
The United States ◽  
Intimate Partner ◽  
Local State ◽  
Structural Inequities ◽  
The Impact

We explored the challenges and lived experiences of intimate partner violence (IPV) survivors during the COVID-19 pandemic by interviewing 53 U.S.-based IPV advocates between June and November 2020. Advocates described how the COVID-19 pandemic limited survivors’ abilities to meet their basic needs. The pandemic was also described as being used by abusive partners to perpetrate control and has created unique safety and harm reduction challenges. IPV survivors experienced compounding challenges due to structural inequities. IPV must be considered by local, state, and federal governments when developing disaster planning policies and practices, including in the context of pandemics.

Litigation as an Alternative to Legislation in Achieving Public Health Reform

2002 ◽  
Vol 23 (1) ◽  
pp. 35-45
Author(s):  
Francis E. McGovern
Keyword(s):  
Public Health ◽  
United States ◽  
Civil Rights ◽  
Health Reform ◽  
Body Politic ◽  
Voting Rights ◽  
The United States ◽  
The Body ◽  
State Authority ◽  
Public Health Reform

There is virtually universal acceptance for the proposition that political questions in the United States have a propensity to morph into judicial questions. The use of litigation as a method of governing the body politic has repeatedly manifested itself since the formation of our nation. Congress vs. the legislature; federal vs. state authority; voting rights; civil rights; universal rights — the list is pervasive.

The Imperial Republic: A Comparison of the Insular Territories under U.S. Dominion after 1898

2002 ◽  
Vol 71 (4) ◽  
pp. 535-574 ◽  
Author(s):  
Lanny Thompson
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Puerto Rico ◽  
Legal Status ◽  
Body Politic ◽  
The United States ◽  
The Philippines ◽  
The Body ◽  
European American ◽  
Military Government ◽  
The U.S

The doctrine of incorporation, as elaborated in legal debates and legitimated by the U.S. Supreme Court, excluded the inhabitants of Puerto Rico, the Philippines, and Guam from the body politic of the United States on the basis of their cultural differences from dominant European American culture. However, in spite of their shared legal status as unincorporated territories, the U.S. Congress established different governments that, although adaptations of continental territorial governments, were staffed largely with appointed imperial administrators. In contrast, Hawai'i, which had experienced a long period of European American settlement, received a government that followed the basic continental model of territorial government. Thus, the distinction between the incorporated and unincorporated territories corresponded to the limits of European American settlement. However, even among the unincorporated territories, cultural evaluations were important in determining the kinds of rule. The organic act for Puerto Rico provided for substantially more economic and judicial integration with the United States than did the organic act for the Phillippines. This followed from the assessment that Puerto Rico might be culturally assimilated while the Phillippines definitely could not. Moreover, religion was the criterion for determining different provincial governments within the Phillippines. In Guam, the interests of the naval station prevailed over all other considerations. There, U.S. government officials considered the local people to be hospitable and eager to accept U.S. sovereignty, while they largely ignored the local people's language, culture, and history. In Guam, a military government prevailed.

The Impact of Ethnicity and Socialization on Definitions of Democracy: The Case of Mexican Americans and Mexicans

2003 ◽  
Vol 19 (1) ◽  
pp. 81-104 ◽  
Author(s):  
Rodolfo O. de la Garza ◽  
Muserref Yetim
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Political Institutions ◽  
Mexican Americans ◽  
Mexican American ◽  
The United States ◽  
Democratic Citizenship ◽  
Historical Background ◽  
The Political ◽  
Direct Experience ◽  
The Impact

This paper argues that Mexican American views of democracy differ significantly from those of Mexicans because of their exposure to the political institutions and culture of the United States. Our results vindicate Diamond's claim that there is no better way of developing the values, skills, and commitments of democratic citizenship than through direct experience with democracy (Diamond 1999). Equally significant is that the study demonstrates that ethnic ties do not determine political attitudes. That is, despite a shared historical background and contemporary cultural commonalities, Mexican views of democracy differ from those of Mexican Americans. Este artíículo arguye que las visiones de la democracia de los mexicano-americanos difieren significativamente de las de los mexicanos debido a su exposicióón a las instituciones de políítica y cultura de los Estados Unidos. Nuestros resultados justifican la idea de Diamond de que no hay mejor manera de desarrollar los valores, habilidades y el compromiso con una ciudadaníía democráática qua a travéés de la experiencia directa con la democracia (Diamond 1999). De igual importancia, el estudio demuestra que los lazos éétnicos no determinan las actitudes polííticas. Esto es, a pesar de compartir un trasfondo históórico y de las concordancias culturales contemporááneas, las visiones de la democracia de los mexicanos difieren de las de los mexicano-americanos.

Institutional Constraints in the Initial Deployment of Cellular Telephone Service on Three Continents

2000 ◽  
pp. 198-221 ◽  
Author(s):  
Joel West
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Political Institutions ◽  
Institutional Context ◽  
The United States ◽  
Institutional Pressures ◽  
The European Union ◽  
Telephone Service ◽  
Cellular Telephone ◽  
The Impact ◽  
The U.S

The influence of institutional pressures on standards and standardization are readily apparent in their most direct form. For example, in the mid-1990s, both the European Union and the United States issued new wireless communications licenses in the 1.8-2.0 GHz band: the EU countries mandated use of their decade-old communications standard, while the U.S. authorized three competing standards not yet widely used in the U.S. (Mehrotra, 1994). However, institutional pressures can also shape standardization efforts in a less direct fashion. For example, in a regulated industry such as telecommunications, existing economic and political institutions constrain the diffusion of a new technology. Such diffusion mediates the impact of product compatibility standards upon society. If producers adopt standards for their goods and services, and if users adopt the products that incorporate such standards, only then such standards can have an economic or social effect upon society at large. Therefore, it is important to understand the impact of institutional pressures on diffusion of the innovation that incorporates a standard if we wish to explain the eventual success or failure of such a standard. Here a particular standards-based innovation, analog cellular telephone service, provides an opportunity to contrast the effects of institutions on diffusion and thus standardization. Over a four year period, three independent design centers deployed mutually incompatible standards in three continents. While the technical solutions were similar, differences in institutional context between the regions influenced both the nature of the respective standards and their corresponding diffusion. In particular, the systems were deployed in a period of shifting telecommunications competition policies and priorities for radio frequency allocation. Prior research has examined the causal links between standards and institutions, both the institutional context of standards development (e.g., Besen, 1990) and also how established standards themselves function as institutions (Kindleberger, 1983). But rarely do we have the opportunity to examine the diffusion of the same innovation in differing institutional contexts. This paper will focus on the most complex institutional context for the deployment of cellular telephone service, the United States, which despite having invented cellular technology, was the third region to deploy cellular service due to regulatory delays. The experience of Japan and Northern Europe are offered as contrasts to highlight the importance of the institutional context in the adoption of both standards and standardized products.

A Recognized and Respected Part of the Body Politic

2018 ◽  
pp. 86-108
Author(s):  
Millington W. Bergeson-Lockwood
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Civil Rights ◽  
Democratic Party ◽  
Political Power ◽  
Body Politic ◽  
The United States ◽  
The Body ◽  
Political Independence ◽  
Grover Cleveland

This chapter documents the aftermath of Butler’s defeat for reelection in 1883. Butler’s supporters and a growing group of black independents backed Grover Cleveland for president of the United States. They hoped that Cleveland’s election would inaugurate a national black commitment to political independence and push the national Democratic Party towards a pro-civil rights agenda. Black Bostonians worked with like-minded activists in other states to leverage black political power towards recognition from the Cleveland administration. Despite some success, the limited gains in black rights during the Cleveland administration illuminated the limits of siding with the Democratic Party.

Postwar Feelings

2020 ◽  
pp. 3-22
Author(s):  
Lisa M. Corrigan
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Political Institutions ◽  
Public Discourse ◽  
The United States ◽  
Postwar Period ◽  
Political Equality ◽  
Black Struggle

This chapter discusses the Kennedy administration’s emotional repertoire since it set the tone for youth dissent for the decade. Corrigan examines the co-constitutive nature of hope and despair in the postwar period to understand how these competing political feelings expressed generational and racialized disputes about the nature of the polis, the uses and abuses of power, the role of political institutions in guaranteeing social and political equality, and the role of dissent as an emotional sphere of public discourse. Using John Kennedy’s speeches, Arthur Schlesinger’s writings on Kennedy, and Norman Mailer’s responses, Corrigan suggests that much of the black struggle in the United States has been aimed at producing new political feelings that worked both in tandem and against those being cultivated by the white establishment during the Kennedy years.

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