Deterrence in the Cyber Realm: Public versus Private Cyber Capacity

Author(s):  
Nadiya Kostyuk

Abstract Can cyber deterrence work? Existing scholarly works argue that deterrence by punishment using cyberattacks is ineffective because the difficulty of attributing the origin of cyberattacks makes the threat of future attacks less credible. However, these works have told us relatively little about the deterrence ability of public cyberinstitutions (PCIs), defined as publicly observable proactive efforts aimed at signaling a country’s level of cyber offensive and defensive capability. This research shows that middle powers (that have scarce cyber arsenals) can use PCIs to deter cyber attacks that cause significant damage to their economy and prosperity; however, this deterrent capability is rather limited. Using an incomplete-information model, we demonstrate that PCIs only deter adversaries that are susceptible to the costs created by these institutions. Despite this limited deterrence ability, middle powers tend to over-invest resources in these cyberinstitutions: Weak cyber states tend to over-invest to convince strong cyber adversaries that they are strong, whereas strong cyber states over-invest so that adversaries do not believe that they are weak states pretending to be strong. By doing so, states reduce their overall cybercapacity. We establish the empirical plausibility of these results using election interference campaigns as examples of strategic attacks. Our focus on the strategic use of PCIs as a deterrent represents a departure from existing literature—which has focused only on cyberoperations—and has important policy implications.

1997 ◽  
Vol 49 (3) ◽  
pp. 371-400 ◽  
Author(s):  
Andrew Kydd

When one state engages in a military buildup, other states sometimes take this as a sign that it is more aggressive or expansionist than they previously thought. Some argue that such increases in mutual suspicion can drive arms races and even lead to war. Psychological bias is often invoked to explain this pattern of growing suspicions leading to hostility. This article presents an incomplete information model of an arms race and investigates when escalations should rationally generate increased fears and when, in order to reduce such fears, security seekers can refrain from building. It shows that escalations rationally provoke fear even in the absence of bias and that weak states and states facing high costs of arms racing and war will be especially likely to refrain from building as a way of signaling benign intentions.


2019 ◽  
pp. 217-246
Author(s):  
Gleider Hernández

This chapter explores the concept of immunities. Immunity from jurisdiction describes the doctrines developed in domestic courts over time to avoid infringements on State sovereignty whenever possible. Generally speaking, immunities seek to prevent foreign courts from exercising jurisdiction regarding the conduct of another State, its agents, officials, or diplomatic representatives, as well as from adjudicating on inter-State disputes without their consent. Due in part to the historical conflation of State and sovereign that defined the scope of immunity, several mechanisms have been developed that allow various categories of officials of States to invoke immunity in the courts of another State. Often an exemption from local jurisdiction exists in relation to mundane violations such as driving offences or administrative matters. However, exemption from jurisdiction has important policy implications if the act in question would constitute an international crime.


1988 ◽  
Vol 22 (3) ◽  
pp. 30-58 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jerome L. Mcelroy ◽  
Klaus De Albuquerque

One area of intra-Caribbean migration that has been overlooked is the “migration transition”—the transformation of rapidly modernizing societies from net labor exporters to net labor importers. This article assembles eight case studies to: 1) briefly present a spectrum of migration experiences in the Caribbean; 2) uncover some transitions under way; 3) pinpoint the forces that underlie the migration transition and; 4) point out some of the more important policy implications of labor migration reversals.


2020 ◽  
pp. 0013189X2094319
Author(s):  
Suzanne E. Eckes

A 2020 lawsuit involves a public school teacher who refused to address transgender students by their preferred names because of his religious beliefs. This case is particularly significant because it is the first K–12 decision that analyzes this matter. This issue has important policy implications for schools and students.


2019 ◽  
Vol 35 (2) ◽  
pp. 205-220
Author(s):  
Thomas Zawisza ◽  
Kelly Frailing

Research consistently demonstrates that offenders do not travel far to crime. Although this finding has been observed across different types of offending and offenders, one group rarely examined within this paradigm is offenders with mental illness (OWMI). We calculated the distance to crime for a group of offenders with a documented mental illness and compared that distance to those in other publications for other samples. We found that our sample of OWMI traveled about the same and in some cases shorter distances to crime than other offenders. Although this study has limitations, we believe it nevertheless lends support to the environmental criminology paradigm and provides important policy implications, as well as questions for further research.


2001 ◽  
Vol 28 (5-6) ◽  
pp. 631-652 ◽  
Author(s):  
Peter Cheng ◽  
Bradley D. Childs ◽  
William W. Sheng

2017 ◽  
Vol 63 (1) ◽  
pp. 218-250 ◽  
Author(s):  
Neil Narang ◽  
Rupal N. Mehta

Do “nuclear umbrellas” create a moral hazard that can increase the risk of war? In this article, we investigate whether situations of extended deterrence in which a nuclear patron makes a defensive commitment to a nonnuclear client state can inadvertently increase the likelihood that a client will initiate a crisis with another state. Using data on the crisis behavior of states from 1950 to 2000, we estimate the impact of a nuclear umbrella on various crisis outcomes, including the initiation and escalation of militarized conflict. Interestingly, we find no evidence that such commitments increase the risk of war or even two-sided violence at lower levels. However, consistent with both the moral hazard logic and bargaining theories of war, we show that this appears to be because potential target states offer increased policy concessions to client states to avoid costly fighting. Thus, the link between nuclear umbrellas and moral hazard appears to be real, but it is reflected in the division of benefits rather than a greater likelihood of war. The results have important policy implications as the US contemplates extending its nuclear umbrella.


2018 ◽  
Author(s):  
James McCulloch

AbstractThe PfATP4 (PF3D7 1211900) multi-drug resistance mutation G223R is found in Africa by genetically analyzing 2640 worldwide Plasmodium falciparum blood stage isolates (the MalariaGen Pf3k resource). This mutation confers an approximate 8 fold [4] increase in the PfATP4 IC50 of Spiroindolones (KAE609 & KAE678) [14],[16],[4],[10] and Aminopyrazoles (GNF-Pf4492) [4]. It is postulated that the G223R mutation may be a consequence of the drug resistant Southeast Asian Dd2 genotype becoming more dominant in Africa [3]. The presence of this mutation has important policy implications for the eventual general deployment of the Spiroindolone KAE609 (Cipargamin) which is currently undergoing stage 2 clinical trials.


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