UK Military Operations

2018 ◽  
Author(s):  
Julian Lindley-French
Keyword(s):  
United Kingdom ◽  
Cold War ◽  
Armed Forces ◽  
Military Operations ◽  
The United Kingdom ◽  
Key Drivers ◽  
Overseas Territories ◽  
Fundamental Tension ◽  
The Uk ◽  
The Cold War

The world that the United Kingdom must face in the late 2010s and into the 2020s seems to make its small armed force look ever smaller, and the gap between the force and intended effect ever wider. This chapter examines the key drivers of UK military operations since the end of the cold war by assessing how the UK has put strategy and doctrine into practice. The Strategic Defence and Security Review 2010 established seven military tasks for the UK armed forces ranging from the defence of the United Kingdom, deterrence of threats, and support for partners through defence engagement, to defence of the overseas territories. However, the review revealed a fundamental tension between ends, ways, and means, a tension also evident in SDSR 2015. The UK’s armed forces are also in transition, shifting away from the land-centric operations of the wars of Yugoslav succession of the mid-1990s to a greater focus on maritime–amphibious operations with an emphasis on deep ‘jointness’ (cross-service cooperation).

The Handbook of European Defence Policies and Armed Forces

2018 ◽  
Keyword(s):  
Cold War ◽  
Soviet Union ◽  
National Security ◽  
Armed Forces ◽  
Blind Spot ◽  
Military Operations ◽  
The Soviet Union ◽  
Security Challenges ◽  
The Cold War ◽  
National Defence

The armed forces of Europe have undergone a dramatic transformation since the collapse of the Soviet Union. The Handbook of European Defence Policies and Armed Forces provides the first comprehensive analysis of national security and defence policies, strategies, doctrines, capabilities, and military operations, as well as the alliances and partnerships of European armed forces in response to the security challenges Europe has faced since the end of the cold war. A truly cross-European comparison of the evolution of national defence policies and armed forces remains a notable blind spot in the existing literature. This Handbook aims to fill this gap with fifty-one contributions on European defence and international security from around the world. The six parts focus on: country-based assessments of the evolution of the national defence policies of Europe’s major, medium, and lesser powers since the end of the cold war; the alliances and security partnerships developed by European states to cooperate in the provision of national security; the security challenges faced by European states and their armed forces, ranging from interstate through intra-state and transnational; the national security strategies and doctrines developed in response to these challenges; the military capabilities, and the underlying defence and technological industrial base, brought to bear to support national strategies and doctrines; and, finally, the national or multilateral military operations by European armed forces. The contributions to The Handbook collectively demonstrate the fruitfulness of giving analytical precedence back to the comparative study of national defence policies and armed forces across Europe.

The Quest in the United Kingdom for African Unity, 1945-48

1970 ◽  
Vol 5 (1) ◽  
pp. 61-86
Author(s):  
Marika Sherwood
Keyword(s):  
Cold War ◽  
West African ◽  
Gold Coast ◽  
Afrique De L’Ouest ◽  
The United Kingdom ◽  
The Uk ◽  
The Cold War ◽  
Afrique De L'ouest ◽  
Political Groups ◽  
Groupes Ethniques

This article outlines the formation, ideology and activities of the West African National Secretariat (WANS), established in London in 1945-6 by Nkrumah and this colleagues, from both the English and French West African colonies. Their aim was unity, as the only hope of real independence was through unity of all ethnic groups and all social classes, not just the ‘intelligentsia’. Outlined are WANS’ activities, its work with other political groups/activists in the UK and France, and reports in Gold Coast and Nigerian newspapers, which were kept fully informed. Labelled a communist, Nkrumah was under surveillance by MI5 in the UK and on his return home in 1947. Was this the beginning of the Cold War in West Africa? La Quête au Royaume-Uni pour l’Union Africaine, 1945-48  Résumé Cet article présente la formation, l’idéologie et les activités du West African National Secretariat [Secrétariat National de l'Afrique de l'Ouest] (WANS), établi à Londres entre les années 1945 et 1946 par Nkrumah et ses collègues issus des colonies anglophones et francophones en Afrique de l’Ouest dont le but était l’union, le seul espoir pour l’Independence réelle étant réalisable à travers l’union de tous les groupes ethniques et de toutes les classes sociales, et non pas seulement « l’intelligentsia ». Sont présentés dans cet article les activités de WANS, ses opérations avec d’autres groupes/militants politiques au Royaume-Uni et en France, ainsi que les rapports dans les journaux au Gold Coast et au Nigeria qui étaient bien informés. Qualifié de communiste, Nkrumah était sous la surveillance de MI5 au Royaume-Uni et à son retour au pays en 1947. Ce fait marque-t-il le début de la Guerre Froide en Afrique de l’Ouest?

Part 1 The Cold War Era (1945–89), 4 The Suez Crisis—1956

2018 ◽  
Author(s):  
Hofer Alexandra
Keyword(s):  
United Kingdom ◽  
Cold War ◽  
United Nations ◽  
Final Section ◽  
Use Of Force ◽  
Legal Framework ◽  
Member States ◽  
Suez Crisis ◽  
The United Kingdom ◽  
The Cold War

This chapter examines the intervention led by France, the United Kingdom and Israel against Egypt in 1956. After recalling the facts of the Suez Canal Crisis, it examines the legal positions of the main protagonists (Israel, France, the United Kingdom and Egypt) and the reactions of United Nations member states. The intervention’s legality is then assessed against the international legal framework governing the use of force as it stood in 1956. The final section analyses the intervention’s precedential value and its impact on the jus ad bellum. It is argued that if the intervention initially undermined the United Nations, the forceful reaction of UN member states affirmed the importance of the UN Organization and its principles.

Flexible Forces for a Post-Cold War World: A View from the United Kingdom

1996 ◽  
Vol 17 (1) ◽  
pp. 23-37
Author(s):  
Christopher Dandeker
Keyword(s):  
United Kingdom ◽  
Cold War ◽  
Social Values ◽  
Armed Forces ◽  
The Other ◽  
Post Cold War ◽  
The United Kingdom ◽  
Armed Services

The approach adopted here takes as its point of dcparture the fact thaï armed forces are ‘Janus-faced’ organizations. On the onc hand, they and their political masters havc to respond to the changing strategie context by building militarily effective organizations and, on the other. they havc to establish an organization that is responsive to wider social values, and thus to the society that pays for the armed services and without whose support they can do little. The key challenge is to ensure that a balance is struck between the demands flowing from these two contexts.

Cold War

2019 ◽  
pp. 82-117
Author(s):  
Geoffrey B. Robinson
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
United Kingdom ◽  
Cold War ◽  
The United States ◽  
International Context ◽  
Major Powers ◽  
The United Kingdom ◽  
Political Conditions ◽  
The Cold War

This chapter examines the role of foreign powers in the October 1, 1965 incident. It argues that the wider international context, in particular the rhetoric and logic of the Cold War and anticolonial nationalism, affected the contours of Indonesian politics, making it more militant and polarized. In addition, that general atmosphere, together with the actions of major powers elsewhere in the region and beyond, contributed to political conditions inside Indonesia in which a seizure of power by the army was much more likely to occur. In creating this atmosphere of polarization and crisis, several major powers played some part, including China. Yet it was overwhelmingly the United States, the United Kingdom, and their closest allies that played the central roles.

British and US Anticommunism Between the World Wars

2016 ◽  
Vol 53 (1) ◽  
pp. 89-108 ◽  
Author(s):  
Kathryn Olmsted
Keyword(s):  
Cold War ◽  
Interwar Period ◽  
United States Of America ◽  
The United States ◽  
The United Kingdom ◽  
Union Activists ◽  
The Usa ◽  
The Government ◽  
The Uk ◽  
The Cold War

This article examines the espionage and propaganda networks established by former professional spies and other anticommunist activists in the interwar period in the United States of America and the United Kingdom. In both countries, conservatives responded to the growing power of labor in politics by creating and funding private groups to coordinate spying operations on union activists and political radicals. These British and US spies drew upon the resources of the government while evading democratic controls. The anti-labor groups also spread anti-radical propaganda, but the counter-subversive texts in the UK tended to highlight the economic threats posed by radicalism, while those in the USA appealed to more visceral fears. The leaders of these anti-labur networks established a transnational alliance with their fellow anticommunists across the Atlantic decades before the beginning of the Cold War.

scholarly journals Struggling for the Future, Burdened by the Past: Croatia’s Relations with the United Kingdom from Independence to Brexit

2017 ◽  
Vol 23 (79) ◽  
pp. 5-39
Author(s):  
Josip Glaurdić
Keyword(s):  
United Kingdom ◽  
Cold War ◽  
Southeast Europe ◽  
Post Cold War ◽  
Eu Policy ◽  
The Past ◽  
Eu Integration ◽  
The United Kingdom ◽  
The Uk ◽  
The Eu

AbstractApart from relations with its neighbours, Croatia’s relations with the United Kingdom (UK) were undoubtedly its greatest international challenge since it won its independence in the early 1990s. Relations between the two countries during this period were frequently strained partly due to Zagreb’s democratic shortcomings, but partly also due to competing visions of post-Cold War Southeast Europe and due to long-lasting biases rooted in Croatia’s and Britain’s conflicting policies during Yugoslavia’s breakup and wars. Croatia’s accession to the EU in 2013 offered an opportunity for the two countries to leave the burdens of their past behind, since Zagreb and London had similar preferences on a number of crucial EU policy fronts. However, Brexit changed everything. Croatia’s future relations with the UK are likely to be determined by the nature of Brexit negotiations and the evolution of British policy toward the pace and direction of EU integration.

Counterterrorism

2018 ◽  
Author(s):  
Dorle Hellmuth
Keyword(s):  
Cold War ◽  
Armed Forces ◽  
Military Force ◽  
Islamic State ◽  
Global War On Terror ◽  
Major Powers ◽  
The United Kingdom ◽  
The Us ◽  
Global War ◽  
The Cold War

This chapter assesses the strategic and doctrinal responses of Western Europe’s major powers and their armed forces to terrorism after the cold war. The chapter focuses on Europe’s ‘big three’, the United Kingdom, France, and Germany, and examines the means, ends, and ways of military counterterrorism strategies and operations in these three countries. Select examples of medium and lesser powers include Italy, the Netherlands, Belgium, and Denmark. Critical of the central role military force played in the US global war on terror after the 9/11 attacks, many European powers called for the need to utilize alternative instruments of statecraft. Over time, they adapted their counterterrorism approaches to reflect the new realities at home and abroad. This shift became particularly apparent after the emergence of the Islamic State inspired violent attacks in various European countries, drawing a more military-centric response from Europe’s great, medium, and lesser powers.

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