Introduction Bureaucratic Vistas

2018 ◽  
pp. 2-23
Author(s):  
Nathan Wolff
Keyword(s):  
Nineteenth Century ◽  
Herman Melville ◽  
Political Institutions ◽  
Gilded Age ◽  
Walt Whitman ◽  
Mark Twain ◽  
Late Nineteenth Century ◽  
Frances Hodgson Burnett ◽  
The Us ◽  
Late Nineteenth

This chapter sheds new light on the US Gilded Age (roughly the final three decades of the nineteenth century), revealing it—and its literature—to be a period defined as much by cynicism about corruption as by actual political venality. It sets out three of the book’s overarching interventions: first, calling us to expand our vocabulary of “political emotion” beyond sympathy to a wider range of disagreeable and in-between feelings; second, providing frameworks for analyzing the relation, rather than the opposition, between reason and emotion in political contexts (in particular, via the affective tenor of late-nineteenth-century bureaucratic discourse); third, claiming that we must supplement accounts of nineteenth-century US literature’s utopian moods with a view of those quotidian feelings—so often negative—that define encounters with existing political institutions, as foregrounded by Gilded Age fiction. Authors discussed include Frances Hodgson Burnett, Herman Melville, Mark Twain, and Walt Whitman.

Politics, Social Movements, and the Periodization of U.S. History

2009 ◽  
Vol 8 (4) ◽  
pp. 461-473 ◽  
Author(s):  
Rebecca Edwards
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Nineteenth Century ◽  
Progressive Era ◽  
Gilded Age ◽  
Recent Literature ◽  
Mark Twain ◽  
The United States ◽  
Late Nineteenth Century ◽  
Late Nineteenth ◽  
Considerable Doubt

It may be perilous for a member of the Society of Historians of the Gilded Age and Progressive Era to propose, in the Journal of the Gilded Age and Progressive Era, that we cease using the term “Gilded Age” as a label for the late nineteenth century. Since I admire Mark Twain, who famously coined the term in a novel that he cowrote with Charles Dudley Warner, such a suggestion feels disloyal if not downright un-American. But in struggling recently to write a synthesis of the United States between 1865 and 1905 (cutoff dates that I chose with considerable doubt), it became apparent to me that “Gilded Age” is not a very useful or accurate term. Intended as an indictment of the elite, it captures none of the era's grassroots ferment and little of its social and intellectual complexity. A review of recent literature suggests that periodizing schemes are now in flux, and a reconsideration may be in order.

Staking out an inshore commons: Pound-netting in Gilded Age America

2021 ◽  
Vol 33 (1) ◽  
pp. 3-15
Author(s):  
David Ress
Keyword(s):  
Nineteenth Century ◽  
Property Rights ◽  
Fish Species ◽  
Gilded Age ◽  
Late Nineteenth Century ◽  
Important Food ◽  
The Commons ◽  
Late Nineteenth ◽  
Over Exploitation ◽  
Specific Part

Controversy over the expansion of pound netting in the largest US fisheries of the late nineteenth century marked an early conflict between those who considered fisheries a commons and those who sought to establish property rights in a fishery. Pound-netters physically staked out a specific part of the sea for their exclusive use, and their conception of their property rights resulted in significant overfishing of important food – and oil – fish species. Here, just as with the commons that many economists argue inevitably result in over-exploitation of a resource, regulation was rebuffed and the fisheries collapsed.

Epilogue

2016 ◽  
Author(s):  
John Mac Kilgore
Keyword(s):  
Nineteenth Century ◽  
Civil War ◽  
American Revolution ◽  
Walt Whitman ◽  
Late Nineteenth Century ◽  
Late Nineteenth ◽  
Civil War Era

The epilogue to the book gestures toward the destiny of enthusiasm in the post-Civil War era. In the wake of the trauma of war, the end of slavery, and the birth of a technologically-oriented culture of disenchanted realism, political enthusiasm no longer seemed necessary or viable. At the same time, the final lesson of Walt Whitman circa the centennial of the American Revolution is not so much that political enthusiasm has come to an end but that it must take on new, unheard-of forms specific to its historical era—in Whitman’s view, that meant a struggle for the rights of labor against the corruptions of capitalism (what he called the “tramp and strike question”). As one indication of how literatures of enthusiasm continued to operate in the late nineteenth century, the chapter discusses Edward Bellamy’s utopian novel Looking Backward and Whitman’s contemporaneous interest in anti-capitalism. Enthusiasm is finally what Whitman calls the “latent right of insurrection,” a “quenchless, indispensable fire” in the convulsive context of political tyranny.

Porfirian Commercial Propaganda: Mexico in the World Industrial Expositions

1977 ◽  
Vol 34 (2) ◽  
pp. 230-243 ◽  
Author(s):  
Gene Yeager
Keyword(s):  
Nineteenth Century ◽  
Latin American ◽  
World Trade ◽  
Gilded Age ◽  
The United States ◽  
Late Nineteenth Century ◽  
The World ◽  
Late Nineteenth ◽  
Latin American Countries ◽  
Trade And Investment

Students of late nineteenth century history have long dismissed the world industrial expositions as glittering, but not highly significant reflections of the gilded age. What emerges from the literature of the period, however, is a sense of the overriding commercial importance of these exhibitions. Nineteenth-century observers consistently linked the fairs to the general growth of world trade and to the expanding commercial hegemony of the United States. More specifically, contemporaries agreed that the expositions served to develop trade and investment ties with Latin America. Among the Latin American countries represented in the expositions, Mexico was the most important and consistent participant.

Forever Prisoners

2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Elliott Young
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Nineteenth Century ◽  
The United States ◽  
Late Nineteenth Century ◽  
Federal Bureau Of Investigation ◽  
Federal Prisons ◽  
The Us ◽  
Us Government ◽  
Late Nineteenth ◽  
Detention Facilities

The United States locks up more than half a million non-citizens every year for immigration-related offenses; on any given day, more than 50,000 immigrants are held in detention in hundreds of ICE detention facilities spread across the country. This book provides an explanation of how, where, and why non-citizens were put behind bars in the United States from the late nineteenth century to the present. Through select granular experiences of detention over the course of more than 140 years, this book explains how America built the world’s largest system for imprisoning immigrants. From the late nineteenth century, when the US government held hundreds of Chinese in federal prisons pending deportation, to the early twentieth century, when it caged hundreds of thousands of immigrants in insane asylums, to World Wars I and II, when the Federal Bureau of Investigation (FBI) declared tens of thousands of foreigners “enemy aliens” and locked them up in Immigration and Naturalization Service (INS) camps in Texas and New Mexico, and through the 1980s detention of over 125,000 Cuban and almost 23,000 Haitian refugees, the incarceration of foreigners nationally has ebbed and flowed. In the last three decades, tough-on-crime laws intersected with harsh immigration policies to make millions of immigrants vulnerable to deportation based on criminal acts, even minor ones, that had been committed years or decades earlier. Although far more immigrants are being held in prison today than at any other time in US history, earlier moments of immigrant incarceration echo present-day patterns.

Abolition, Race, and the Politics of Gratitude in Late Nineteenth-Century Puerto Rico

2013 ◽  
Vol 93 (4) ◽  
pp. 621-657 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ileana M. Rodríguez-Silva
Keyword(s):  
Nineteenth Century ◽  
Puerto Rico ◽  
Social Order ◽  
The Political ◽  
Late Nineteenth Century ◽  
The Us ◽  
Late Nineteenth ◽  
Political Project ◽  
Southern City ◽  
Imperial State

Abstract This essay investigates the political workings of gratitude in Puerto Rico in the postabolition decades in order to uncover how these practices of benevolence, which obscure the violence of everyday marginalization, became key in liberal political forms as a means of rearticulating white superiority and patriarchal authority. The article analyzes the practice of gratitude that liberal elites demanded from former slaves after emancipation as well as the appropriation of and challenges to such practices by laborers. The dynamics explored here appear in a set of performances in newspaper writings and street demonstrations commemorating abolition from the 1870s to the 1890s in the southern city of Ponce, Puerto Rico. The politics of gratitude refers to the dynamics through which many came to see abolition as an effort to modernize Puerto Rico, an endeavor for which everyone should be morally indebted to abolitionists and their successors. The politics of gratitude thus provided the ideological structures through which liberal reformists could preserve a racialized and patriarchal social order in the absence of slavery. In the process, liberals also constituted themselves as the only intermediaries between popular subjects and the imperial state. Moral indebtedness was one racialized means by which various constituencies sought to craft or accommodate (in the case of authorities) a more inclusive political project that did not contradict the basis of imperial rule—even though it did alter its foundation, if only momentarily, before the US takeover of the island in 1898.

Political Economy in the Gilded Age: The Republican Party's Industrial Policy

1996 ◽  
Vol 8 (3) ◽  
pp. 291-309 ◽  
Author(s):  
Charles W. Calhoun
Keyword(s):  
Nineteenth Century ◽  
Political Economy ◽  
Industrial Policy ◽  
American History ◽  
Public Discourse ◽  
Gilded Age ◽  
Late Nineteenth Century ◽  
Late Nineteenth

The nature of party contention and public discourse in the late nineteenth century is one of the least understood and most elusive subjects in American history and historiography. In the period itself many critics condemned the intense partisanship of the two major parties as a sham battle, aimed more at filling offices than fulfilling ideals, and all too often tainted with corrupt motives and methods. In the classic formulation of Englishman James Bryce, “neither party has any principles…. [P]oints of political doctrine … have all but vanished …. All has been lost except office or the hope of it.”

Looking to Law

2018 ◽  
Author(s):  
Sarah Song
Keyword(s):  
Nineteenth Century ◽  
State Sovereignty ◽  
Late Nineteenth Century ◽  
Absolute Power ◽  
Immigration Control ◽  
Law Of Nations ◽  
The Us ◽  
Us Supreme Court ◽  
Late Nineteenth ◽  
Normative Foundations

Chapter 2 looks to law to explore the normative foundations of the modern state’s power over immigration. It examines where the US Supreme Court located the authority of the US government’s power over immigration. In a series of cases in the late nineteenth century, the court declared the federal government’s immigration power to be “inherent in sovereignty,” a doctrine that has come to be known as the plenary power doctrine. The court drew on the work of the influential law of nations theorist Emer de Vattel to establish the federal government’s virtually absolute power over immigration. The chapter examines the court’s reasoning, as well as Vattel’s Law of Nations, to explore the connection between sovereignty and immigration control. It argues that these judicial opinions provide little more than assertions of state sovereignty and rest on morally reprehensible views about the racial inferiority of Asian migrants. We must look elsewhere for normative guidance.

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