Reconciling access to information and political party funding in Malawi: a comparative analysis of legislation

2021 ◽  
Vol ahead-of-print (ahead-of-print) ◽  
Author(s):  
Patrick Mapulanga ◽  
Dorothy Doreen Eneya ◽  
Diston Store Chiweza
Keyword(s):  
Content Analysis ◽  
Political Parties ◽  
Political Party ◽  
Qualitative Content Analysis ◽  
The Political ◽  
Access To Information ◽  
Content Type ◽  
Human Resource Capacity ◽  
The Government ◽  
Party Funding

Purpose The purpose of this paper was to assess the similarities and differences between the Political Parties and the Access to Information Acts in Malawi. While political parties are largely funded by donations that are frequently kept as a secret, the Access to Information Act does not include political party funding among the categories of non-disclosed information. Design/methodology/approach This paper is based on the qualitative content analysis of the legislation in Malawi. Content analysis of the two pieces of legislation was adopted. This paper is a review of the literature and an examination of Malawi's Political Parties and Access to Information Acts. The document study was supplemented by a review of related literature on the two legislations. Findings The Political Parties Act prohibits the government, ministries and departments from directly or indirectly funding political parties. The Access to Information Act to ensure information generated by Malawi government ministries, departments and agencies is readily made available by the citizens when needed or requested. The Access to Information Act does not exempt political parties from disclosing their funding sources. The two acts work in tandem to promote accountability and transparency in political party funding and sources. Research limitations/implications This study is limited to Malawi's Political Parties and Access to Information Acts. Only the South African related acts have informed the paper. However, several acts within developing countries would have greatly aided the paper. Practical implications The implementation of the two pieces of legislation has implications for the balance between disclosure and non-disclosure of political party funding. Oversight functions and credible human resource capacity are needed in both political parties and government enforcement institutions. Social implications Oversight functions by the Administrator-General through the Registrar of Political Parties and the Malawi Human Rights Commission are key to the implementation of Malawi's Political Parties and Access to Information Acts, respectively. Proper enforcement of the oversight functions is expected to result in an open, transparent and accountable Malawian society. Originality/value Various players are needed in the accountability chain to protect disclosure and non-disclosure of information. Very little information is known on the powers, functions and duties of office bearers capable of enforcing legislation to keep political parties' funding clean. Little is known on how the citizens can access information regarding political parties funding.

The implications of Political Party Funding Act, No. 6 of 2018 in South Africa on records management

2020 ◽  
Vol ahead-of-print (ahead-of-print) ◽  
Author(s):  
Nkholedzeni Sidney Netshakhuma
Keyword(s):  
South Africa ◽  
Political Parties ◽  
Political Party ◽  
Management Practices ◽  
Management Practice ◽  
The Political ◽  
Records Management ◽  
Content Type ◽  
South African Society ◽  
Party Funding

Purpose This paper aims to assess the Section 12 of the Political Party Funding Act No. 6 of 2018 of South Africa with a view of recommending good records management practice. Design/methodology/approach This paper is based on a literature review and an analysis of political funding access to information and records management literatures. Findings The study found that a lack of good records management practice is hindering transparency in government practice in South Africa. Furthermore, the enactment of the Political Party Funding Act No. 6 of 2018 has created the potential for South Africa political parties to start applying good records management practices. Research limitations/implications This research is limited to Section 12 of the political parties funding Act No 6 of 2018 to promote accountability transparency. Practical implications The effective implementation of the Political Party Funding Act, 2018 will contribute to the preservation of records with financial, historical and cultural values. Social implications The implementation of the Political Party Funding Act No. 6 of 2018 Section 12 is expected to lead an open, transparent and accountable South African society through the establishment of a a records management programme. Originality/value This paper raises important considerations around ensuring compliance and accountability in government recordkeeping within the context of recent legislation. While discussion around the importance and use of records management is not new, the legislation brings an opportunity for fresh discussion within a national political context.

Factors responsible behind political brand preference: an empirical study on Indian voters

2016 ◽  
Vol 34 (4) ◽  
pp. 559-582 ◽  
Author(s):  
Saikat Banerjee ◽  
Bibek Ray Chaudhuri
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
Political Party ◽  
The Political ◽  
Brand Trust ◽  
Political Campaign ◽  
Cumulative Impact ◽  
Content Type ◽  
Path Coefficients ◽  
Party Preference ◽  
The Impact

Purpose – Political parties are continuously interested to gain knowledge about the factors that influence the voter to select political candidate of his/her choice. The purpose of this paper is to examine cumulative impact of sources of associations on voters’ preference of the political party and to investigate the type of causal relationship that exists among those sources. Design/methodology/approach – The authors have proposed five key sources of associations of the overall political party, namely, campaign effectiveness, image of its leaders, intensity of anti-incumbency effect, meaning and trust attached with the party. Here the authors have considered four important political parties relevant to the voters of West Bengal. Those are Congress, Bharatiya Janata Party, Communist Party of India (Marxist) and All India Trinamool Congress. The authors have used SEM method for estimating the model as the same is widely used for estimating a system of equations with latent variables. Findings – Out of the eight path coefficients six are found to be statistically significant. Political campaign impacts brand trust positively and brand trust in turn impacts party preference positively. Again political campaign’s direct impact on political party preference is found to be positive. However, the impact of political campaign on party preference also runs through brand meaning. Both the path coefficients are significantly negative showing that more the voters develop understanding about political parties through different independent sources lesser are the impact of political campaigns as they highlight positive aspects of the party and the candidate only, ignoring facts. Interestingly leadership is impacting party preference negatively. Thus individual leadership traits have negatively impacted party preference in the sample. Originality/value – In the paper, the authors have identified factors impacting political brand choice in an emerging country like India. This research explores the factors that need to be considered by the political parties to influence preference of voters for political brand. As far as the authors’ knowledge goes no such studies have been carried out in the Indian context and certainly not in the context of a regime change after three decades. Additionally, the theoretical model proposed is firmly grounded in theory and its estimation is based on well-developed scales. The approach is thus unique in this area of enquiry. Finally, application of SEM in political branding context is a significant contribution of this work.

Ready for e-electioneering? Empirical evidence from Pakistani political parties’ websites

2016 ◽  
Vol 26 (4) ◽  
pp. 901-918 ◽  
Author(s):  
Mirza Muhammad Naseer ◽  
Khalid Mahmood
Keyword(s):  
Content Analysis ◽  
Political Parties ◽  
Empirical Evidence ◽  
Political Party ◽  
International Perspective ◽  
Full Potential ◽  
Web Content ◽  
Content Type ◽  
Content Analysis Method ◽  
General Elections

Purpose – The purpose of this paper is to explore the use of political party websites for e-electioneering and their impact on the outcome of the elections. Design/methodology/approach – Empirical data for the study were collected from the websites of 11 major political parties of Pakistan using modified version of the coding scheme used by Gibson, Rommele and Ward for the evaluation of functionality and delivery of websites. Data were analysed using web content analysis method to achieve the objectives of this study. The study also ranked the party websites based on points scored for functionalities and delivery. Findings – The study found that although Pakistani political parties have started using their websites for communication with their voters during the general elections but they have not utilized the full potential of the website functionalities for e-electioneering. Research limitations/implications – The study focused on content analysis of political party websites of Pakistan only. However, comparisons were made to other studies where possible to contextualize the results of this study in international perspective. It is suggested to replicate this study after ten years to study the changing behaviour of political parties. Practical implications – Political parties might like to improve their websites in the light of findings of this study to spread their message more effectively to larger voter base. Social implications – Findings of the study will help in improving the readiness of political parties for e-electioneering and improved websites will help voters in making an informed decision during election. It will overall improve the electoral process in the country where democratic system is not very strong. Originality/value – With the advent of internet, political parties are using their websites during elections for various purposes. This study, first ever in Pakistan on the topic, provides empirical evidence on the use of political party websites during May 2013 general election in Pakistan and presents its impact on the outcome of the election. The study will be valuable for political science researchers especially those focusing on Asia and Pakistan.

scholarly journals The Role of Political Parties in SBY's Era of Leadership Period 2004-2014

2020 ◽  
Vol 1 (2) ◽  
pp. 133
Author(s):  
Ishaq Rahman ◽  
Elyta Elyta
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
Political Party ◽  
Fundamental Principle ◽  
The Political ◽  
Parliamentary System ◽  
The People ◽  
Presidential System ◽  
The Government ◽  
The Many

ABSTRACT A country that implements the system as mentioned earlier is more towards an authoritarian system of government which aims to dominate and dominate the power of the state towards the people. Democracy cannot survive from such a closed state. In a basic concept of democracy, there is a fundamental principle, namely the principle of sovereignty of the people who run the government.Political communication is one of the many roles played by political parties in various available arrangements. The political party is required to communicate knowledge, issues and political thoughts.Constitutionally, the Government adopts a Presidential System in which the ministers in the cabinet are responsible to the president. But in practice the SBY-JK administration is more of a Parliamentary System. Keywords: political parties, democracy, SBY government

scholarly journals Koalisi Partai Politik di Kabinet: Antara Penguatan Lembaga Kepresidenan atau Politik Balas Budi

2020 ◽  
Vol 9 (1) ◽  
pp. 111
Author(s):  
Muhammad Yusrizal Adi Syaputra
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
Political Party ◽  
Research Method ◽  
The Political ◽  
Legal Research ◽  
Conceptual Approach ◽  
The Republic ◽  
The Government

The political party's position as a determinant of government head nomination in Indonesia made the political party a central and strong role in the determination of the Cabinet in the presidential government of Indonesia and allowed the political party to determine the Cabinet domination established by the President elected. This research aims to determine the model of the presidential institution strengthening in the multi-party era in Indonesia and to know the political and juridical construction of the presidential institution in determining the cabinet in Indonesia. The method used is a normative legal research method with a conceptual approach. The results of this research are, firstly that the strengthening of the presidential institution in the multi-party era can occur when done with the restriction of political parties through the mechanism of the parliamentary threshold. Secondly, that the political construction of the cabinet determination by the President is based on the coalition of political party supporters of the government, and the juridical construction of the President may elect the Minister of the party proposal because it is based on article 6A paragraph (2) The Constitution of the Republic of Indonesia 1945. Kedudukan partai politik sebagai penentu pencalonan kepala pemerintahan di Indonesia menjadikan Partai Politik memiliki peran sentral dan kuat dalam penentuan kabinet di Pemerintahan Presidentiil Indonesia dan memungkinkan partai politik untuk menentukan dominasi kabinet yang dibentuk oleh Presiden terpilih. Penelitian ini bertujuan untuk mengetahui model penguatan lembaga kepresidenan pada era multi partai di Indonesia, dan untuk mengetahui konstruksi politis dan yuridis lembaga kepresidenan dalam menentukan kabinet di Indonesia. Metode yang digunakan adalah metode penelitian hukum normatif dengan pendekatan konseptual. Hasil penelitian memperlihatkan bahwa pertama, penguatan lembaga kepresidenan di era multi partai dapat terjadi apabila dilakukan dengan pembatasan partai politik melalui mekanisme parlementary threshold. Kedua, bahwa konstruksi politis penentuan kabinet oleh presiden didasarkan atas koalisi partai politik pendukung pemerintahan, dan konstruksi yuridis presiden dapat memilih menteri dari usulan partai karena didasarkan pada Pasal 6A ayat (2) UUD 1945.

Weak economy compounds Moldovan political instability

2016 ◽  
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
Presidential Election ◽  
Political Instability ◽  
The Political ◽  
Substantial Influence ◽  
Content Type ◽  
Presidential Candidates ◽  
The Government

Significance Economic weakness plus popular resentment of an elite seen as corrupt creates potential for mass demonstrations by pro- and anti-EU factions. Russia's importance as an economic partner is waning but it retains substantial influence through sympathetic political parties. A presidential election this October will be coloured by the unresolved bank fraud scandal, which has created a gulf between the political establishment and the electorate. Impacts Mainstream politicians will be find it hard to shake off perceived links to corruption. Prominent figures, whether oligarchs or pro-Russian politicians, may therefore avoid standing as presidential candidates. Lack of systemic reforms is a constraint on Moldova's ability to engage with EU economies. Domestic turmoil makes the government less likely to challenge Transnistria, which will remain a conduit for Russian pressure.

Mali peace is slipping away

2019 ◽  
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
Peace Process ◽  
The Political ◽  
Content Type ◽  
The North ◽  
The Government ◽  
Political Question

Significance However, opposition political parties and former rebels, most prominently northern Mali’s main ex-rebel bloc, the Coordination of Movements of Azawad (CMA), refuse to participate in the dialogue. Substantial tensions between the government and CMA present worrying signals about the trajectory of Mali's peace process. Impacts Rising insecurity will prompt neighbouring states to apply greater pressure on Bamako to resolve the situation in northern Mali. Jihadist leader Iyad ag Ghali will be central to resolving the political question in the north. France’s opposition to talks with jihadists may delay or preclude altogether such an option.

scholarly journals Analyzing the voting cluster of political parties: A case study of Lahore district (1970-2013)

2021 ◽  
Vol 5 (1) ◽  
pp. 413-432
Author(s):  
Kishwar Munir
Keyword(s):  
Content Analysis ◽  
Political Parties ◽  
Political Party ◽  
Research Method ◽  
Qualitative Content Analysis ◽  
Social Cleavages ◽  
Units Of Analysis ◽  
Primary Focus ◽  
Cluster Pattern

A voting cluster is a connotation that denotes party loyalty rather than ethnic and social cleavages. The theory of voting cluster surfaces when the units of analysis are characterized by political parties and the voter instead of their nomenclatures. This makes this study significant and different given that it highlights the value of shifting the primary focus away from the nomenclature. With the nomenclature changing in every election, it is likely that political parties, their features, and trajectories are misconstrued. Thus, looking at the voting cluster of each political party and analyzing of these clusters data, gathered from different surveys and reports, provide a deeper and accurate understanding of voting patterns.  This approach of voting cluster provides us an additional platform for analysis along with the conventional focus on nomenclatures of political parties. The focus of study is to evaluate the changing pattern of voting clusters and their shift from one party to another. The qualitative content analysis research method has been used to understand the cluster pattern and why a voting cluster make or break from one party to other. The study maintains that there is no standalone factor that helps a political party to sustain a voting cluster.

scholarly journals Penyalahgunaan Media Sosial Sebagai Alat Propaganda

2019 ◽  
Vol 10 (1) ◽  
pp. 69-76
Author(s):  
Rety Palupi
Keyword(s):  
Social Media ◽  
Content Analysis ◽  
Hate Speech ◽  
Qualitative Content Analysis ◽  
The Political ◽  
The Public ◽  
Political World ◽  
Digital Era ◽  
The Social ◽  
The Government

Changes in the communication of information continue to occur along with the advancement of technology in the digital era. Nowadays everyone can work as a journalist even though he or she has never learned the basics of journalism. The public also frequently receive information or news that raise the eyebrows — ranging from disaster threats to information about the political world. The finding of this research is that often information that circulates in the hands of Warganet is a hoax and even hate speech, despite the government efforts to reduce the spread of hoax and hate speech. With this paper, the author aims at disclosing the propaganda elements in the hoax and hate speech in the social media as in the digital era the social media is the most vulnerable in spreading of hoax news and hate speech. By utilising qualitative content analysis, the author discusses five hoax news and hate speeches which are dissected using nine propaganda practices. The conclusion obtained by the author is that the hoax news and hate speech comprise of elements of exaggeration, rhetoric, recognition and influence on a variety of parties, as well as prejudices supplemented by emotions. 

scholarly journals Instruments to measure the successfulness of political parties

2005 ◽  
pp. 395-403
Author(s):  
Uros Suvakovic
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
Political Party ◽  
The Political ◽  
Measuring Instruments ◽  
Local Leadership ◽  
Political Relations ◽  
Basic Goal ◽  
The Government ◽  
The One ◽  
Definition Of

Social sciences should always aim to reach the highest possible level of exactness, as much as they can when one has in mind their topic of research. In the case of research about political parties, we believe that it is possible - with relatively exract indicators - to establish their successfulness and quantify it by using two measuring instruments: the ten-member graphic scale of successfulness of political parties and the index of successfulness of political parties. Political parties are political organizations of ideological-political like(similar)-minded persons who create associations lasting relatively long period of time to promote specific programme standpoints with the basic goal to win, that is stay in power or participate in power. Through power, they realize and confirm the interests, values and goals of those social groups which they tend to represent, as a rule trying to present these interests, values and goals as general, that is as global as possible. This definition of the notion of political party clearly indicates that its basic goal is winning, that is staying or at least participating in power. Therefore, to measure the successfulness of political parties means to determine the degree a party succeeded in realizing that basic goal of any party. Since the political power is implemented through the parliament and the government is a product of the power relations in it, one could assume that successful political parties are only those which have a parliamentary status. How much one of them would be successful depends on the position it can ensure for itself in a concrete constellation of political relations. Among the successful ones the least successful is the political party which has a parliamentary status but it is in the opposition and not leading this opposition - so it has no influence on the government (the position 6 on the scale); the most successful party is the one which has enough power to form the government alone (position 10). From the standpoint of any party - winning, staying or participating in power, the nonparliamentary parties are unsuccessful political parties. Amnog them, the most unsuccessful is the party which just satisfied the conditions for registration, whose leaders meet twice a year and which formed at least 5 local leadership bodies (the position 1 on the scale); the least unsuccessful political party is the party which won more than 3% of the votes of those who voted at the parliamentary elections, but is below the census proposed for entering the parliament or which managed to nominate at least 10% of the total number of the candidates for the representatives in the assemblies of the local communities at the municipal rank (position 5). While calculating the index of successfulness, each party is given a number of points for every year - these points reflect the position of that party on the scale of successfulness for that year (for example, the party X has the position 5 in 1993 and it gets 5 points). Since the index of successfulness is calculated for the period of 10 years, the sum of points acquired for these 10 years is divided by the number 10 to get the index of successfulness of political parties.

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