Western Balkans might seek new relationship with EU

Significance Non-economic priorities such as nation-building and partisan political interests have often shaped large developmental projects in the Western Balkans, facilitated by no-questions-asked capital from China, Russia and Turkey. The COVID-19 pandemic has created the opportunity to attract more promising projects, not least in the pharma and digital sectors. More vigorous assessment of the environmental and economic consequences of state-led development could facilitate the region’s prosperity and alignment with the EU. Impacts Civil society groups will put significant pressure on governments and investors to raise standards. Calls for the EU to support civil society and activists in Western Balkans directly will intensify. Serbia’s economic assertiveness could contribute to isolating Kosovo and encouraging breakaway tendencies in Bosnia’s Republika Srpska (RS).

2016 ◽  
Vol 10 (3) ◽  
pp. 427-447 ◽  
Author(s):  
Marijke Welisch ◽  
Gustav Resch ◽  
André Ortner

Purpose The purpose of the paper is to provide estimation results for feasibility of renewable energy source (RES) deployment in Turkey, the Western Balkans and North Africa. From these results, the potential for cooperation in renewables production between the countries and the European Union (EU) is assessed and evaluated, in a mid- (2030) and long-term (up to 2040) perspective. Design/methodology/approach The authors focus on the quantitative assessments undertaken on the extent to which RES cooperation can create mutual benefits, identifying costs and benefits for both sides, but in particular with respect to RES target achievement (2020 and 2030) at EU level. The potentials for RES generation in Turkey, North Africa and the Western Balkans are calculated under different policy pathways, taking into account different levels of economic and non-economic barriers that could occur. Findings Overall, the authors found that increasing RES deployment in the three analysed regions and initiating or intensifying cooperation with EU28 Member States leads to mutual benefits. Concretely, these benefits become apparent in terms of the EU Member States importing renewable energy sources for electricity with a good resource quality and adding on to their targets for RES deployment. At the same time, substantial savings occur for the EU, in turn leading to income and investments in the cooperating regions. Originality/value The assessment underlying this paper is the first of its kind to the authors’ knowledge that opens up the geographical spread in comparison to merely assessing cooperation between Europe and the Middle East and North Africa. Furthermore, the multitude of policy parameters analysed provides detailed and robust insights concerning a broad variety of different possible scenarios.


2021 ◽  
Vol 17 (4) ◽  
pp. 345-359
Author(s):  
Fron Nahzi

PurposeThis essay draws on my experience in the democratic development of Albania and Kosovo. These leadership insights are shared in the contemporary context of the changes in the past ten years to the international development landscape in the Western Balkans and Central and Eastern Europe. My professional reflections on leading efforts to establish democratic institutions form the basis of these case studies on Albania and Kosovo. Drawing on these reflections (Schon, 1982) can generate a deeper understanding of the leadership practices that facilitated a successful transition, as well as make explicit the implicit practices in leadership that resulted in less than successful efforts.Design/methodology/approachThe analysis of the democratic development challenges in Albania and Kosovo are based on my experience in managing multi-million dollar nation building programs in both countries.FindingsThe democratic development of Kosovo and Albania illustrate the challenges that most leaders in governments and civil society face working in transitional societies. It should come as no surprise that their respective roles and goals will come into conflict as local leaders fight to hold onto power, while many Western good governance programs promote sharing of power. This conflict is complicated by the question of to whom the NGOs and international organizations are accountable – their donor or the community they are working in?Originality/valueThe analysis is based on personal experience in developing and implementing nation-building programs in Albania and Kosovo.


Author(s):  
Andi Hoxhaj ◽  
Fabian Zhilla

Abstract This article offers a comparative analysis of the covid-19 legal measures and model of governance adopted in the Western Balkans countries (Albania, Bosnia and Herzegovina, North Macedonia, Montenegro, Serbia and Kosovo) and its impact on the state of the rule of law, and ability of parliament and civil society to scrutinise government decisions. The article assesses the governments’ approaches to introducing and enforcing covid-19 legal measures, and shows examples of how covid-19 has exposed more openly the weaknesses in the existing system of checks and balances in the Western Balkans. The article offers new insights into how covid-19 presented a new opportunity for leaders in the Western Balkans to implement further their authoritarian model of governance in undermining the rule of law. This article offers suggestions on how the EU could respond, through its accession conditionality instruments and civil society, to redirect this trend towards more state capture.


Subject The implications of the EU's planned Energy Union for the Western Balkans. Significance The cancellation of the South Stream gas pipeline underlined the exposure of the non-EU countries in the Western Balkans to EU energy policy. The EU's planned Energy Union will have implications for these states, which are grouped in the EU-backed Energy Community. Impacts The Energy Union's over-focus on gas could hold back development of the Western Balkans's greater potential in renewables. The Energy Union's potential may not be fully realised if the EU and Western Balkan do not deepen and widen regional ties. Small markets will exacerbate lack of funding from both state and private sources for major infrastructure projects.


Subject The state of social-democratic parties in the Western Balkans. Significance The centre-left space in the Western Balkans is a diverse combination of social-democratic parties -- either in government, serious contenders in upcoming snap elections or weak and fragmented in opposition. Notwithstanding the national specificities of post-communist transition and post-conflict politics, social democracy is as ideologically confused and politically vulnerable in the region as in the EU. Impacts Parliamentary politics faces crises almost everywhere in the Western Balkans, 25 years after the collapse of communism. Parties will compete to control state resources, in conditions of polarised, often corrupt, parliamentary politics and hybrid ideologies. Ethnically dominated politics will not allow much space for ideological parties.


Significance Turkey's faltering EU accession process looks more at risk than ever, following Enlargement Commissioner Johannes Hahn's warning that Ankara had "clearly chosen to move away from Europe, not closer to it". Hahn was presenting the European Commission's 2016 Enlargement Package, which is much more critical of Turkey than of the six Western Balkans countries that are either accession candidates like Turkey or potential candidates. Yet when it comes to terminating Turkey's candidacy, both the Turkish and EU authorities want the other to make the move. In the short term, some EU capitals fear a wave of migrants should Ankara stop cooperating in policing the Aegean; in the longer term, Turkey's economy could suffer. Impacts The EU's interest in Western Balkan security, stability and prosperity will keep enlargement to these countries on track, at least formally. However, the Dutch referendum vote against Ukraine's association agreement shows popular feeling spreading in the EU against enlargement. Turkey's customs union with the EU underpins its recent economic upturn; it is hard to see it continuing without the prospect of membership. Resumed use of the East Mediterranean route depends on Turkey but also on migrants' hopes of being able to cross borders further north.


Subject Russia's contacts with Balkans political parties. Significance For Moscow, connections with Balkan parties are an instrument to exert influence in a region falling within the West's sphere. The declaration the ruling United Russia party signed with parties from Serbia, Bosnia-Hercegovina (BiH), Macedonia and Bulgaria on June 27 called for military neutrality in a Balkan zone of neutral sovereign states within a new pan-European continental security architecture that would exclude NATO membership and hark back to the Yugoslav policy of non-alignment. Impacts Russia will balance NATO expansion into the Western Balkans with initiatives to increase its influence in the region's domestic politics. Moscow will tacitly accept the Balkans' integration into the EU. Russia will seek to diversify alliances, cooperating with both mainstream pragmatists and radicals calling for a turn away from the West.


Subject Political and economic consequences of austerity in the Netherlands. Significance The popularity of the Dutch governing parties has declined steadily since they came into power in 2012. The absolute winner in the polls continues to be the far-right Freedom Party (PVV) led by Geert Wilders. There are signs, however, that mainstream parties are coming back into favour, thanks to a combination of promising economic prospects and relatively stable immigration levels. Impacts The EU, healthcare provision, integration and care of the elderly are likely to be key themes during the election campaign. Calls for a referendum on the withdrawal of the Netherlands from the EU -- a 'Nexit' -- are likely to intensify. Prospects for the Labour Party in the next election will depend on whom the party elects as its leader.


Subject Attacks on George Soros in Central-Eastern European states. Significance Wealthy Hungarian-US financier and philanthropist George Soros has recently become instrumentalised by Central-Eastern European (CEE) politicians who present him as the symbol of a remote, non-native amd illegitimate elite. In part because of the anti-Soros campaign, opposition to liberal ideas and globalisation and broader rhetorical and administrative attacks on dissent are fast becoming mainstream in CEE countries. Impacts The rise of illiberal politics in CEE will deepen existing divisions within the EU and hinder further integration. Anti-Soros mobilisation in CEE furthers Russia’s strategic goal of undermining Western cohesion. As philanthropy comes under attack, East European civil society groups are likely to suffer, further weakening young democracies.


Subject Bulgaria’s assumption of the EU presidency. Significance European Council President Donald Tusk and Commission President Jean-Claude Juncker used the official inauguration of Bulgaria’s six-month stint in the EU presidency to demonstrate support for Bulgaria and its Prime Minister Boyko Borisov, and thus deflect widespread scepticism and criticism of Bulgaria’s EU trajectory since accession in 2007. Their hosts responded by underlining their unflinching support for EU institutions and initiatives (notably on migration quotas), and playing up Bulgaria’s stabilising role regarding the Western Balkans and Turkey. Impacts During its EU presidency, Bulgaria’s establishment will be most attentive to criticism coming from EU institutions and leading EU countries. The presidency will focus on showing Bulgaria in a positive light, while avoiding drawing attention to its reform deficit. Bulgaria's influence over problem areas and countries is limited and contingent on factors mostly beyond its control.


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