scholarly journals A New Way Forward: Rebalancing the U.S. Security Cooperation with Greece in a Fast Changing Geostrategic Environment

2018 ◽  
Vol 4 (1) ◽  
pp. 98
Author(s):  
Michail Ploumis
Keyword(s):  
Eastern Mediterranean ◽  
The United States ◽  
National Defense ◽  
Security Cooperation ◽  
The Balkans ◽  
Ww Ii ◽  
Mediterranean Regions ◽  
Security Assistance ◽  
Defense Cooperation ◽  
The U.S

The Hellenic National Defense Forces (HNDF) modernization is at a crossroads because of the current and persistent Greek economic and fiscal crisis. After WW II until today, Greece benefitted from the U.S. security assistance and cooperation programs. Meanwhile, the Balkans and the Eastern Mediterranean regions geostrategic environment is changing fast to an unpredictable future. That said, Greece, and the U.S.A. under rebalanced approaches, should consider the U.S. security assistance and defense cooperation programs to meet HNDF modernization requirements and current security challenges for both countries in the region. A new framework of cooperation would serve common national security interest of both Greece and the United States in the Balkans and the Eastern Mediterranean regions.

scholarly journals Illusions of Autonomy: Why Europe Cannot Provide for Its Security If the United States Pulls Back

2021 ◽  
Vol 45 (4) ◽  
pp. 7-43
Author(s):  
Hugo Meijer ◽  
Stephen G. Brooks
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
The United States ◽  
National Defense ◽  
Policy Issues ◽  
Threat Perceptions ◽  
The Past ◽  
Future State ◽  
Strategic Autonomy ◽  
The U.S

Abstract Europe's security landscape has changed dramatically in the past decade amid Russia's resurgence, mounting doubts about the long-term reliability of the U.S. security commitment, and Europe's growing aspiration for strategic autonomy. This changed security landscape raises an important counterfactual question: Could Europeans develop an autonomous defense capacity if the United States withdrew completely from Europe? The answer to this question has major implications for a range of policy issues and for the ongoing U.S. grand strategy debate in light of the prominent argument by U.S. “restraint” scholars that Europe can easily defend itself. Addressing this question requires an examination of the historical evolution as well as the current and likely future state of European interests and defense capacity. It shows that any European effort to achieve strategic autonomy would be fundamentally hampered by two mutually reinforcing constraints: “strategic cacophony,” namely profound, continent-wide divergences across all domains of national defense policies—most notably, threat perceptions; and severe military capacity shortfalls that would be very costly and time-consuming to close. As a result, Europeans are highly unlikely to develop an autonomous defense capacity anytime soon, even if the United States were to fully withdraw from the continent.

scholarly journals U.S. plans to internationalize the containment of the USSR in the Balkans in the first half of the 1950s

2020 ◽  
Vol 13 (6) ◽  
pp. 53-76
Author(s):  
A. A. Kalinin
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Eastern Mediterranean ◽  
The United States ◽  
Central Intelligence Agency ◽  
Intelligence Agency ◽  
The Balkans ◽  
National Archives ◽  
The Us ◽  
The World ◽  
The 1950S

The article examines the actions of the US diplomacy aimed at strengthening the US military and political presence in the Balkans and the Eastern Mediterranean in the first half of the 1950s. The United States began creating mechanisms for mobilizing its allies to contain possible Soviet aggression in the event of a new local conflict on the Balkan Peninsula. This policy led to the need to develop plans for internationalization of alleged conflict. The author uses materials from the US National Archives, the State Archive of the Russian Federation, the electronic archives of the Central Intelligence Agency, North Atlantic Treaty Organization and the US National Security Council, as well as published sources. Special attention is paid to the position of the United States Joint Chiefs of Staff on military strategy in the Eastern Mediterranean. The outbreak of the Korean War became an important milestone in American politics not only for the Far East, but also for other regions of the world. In the Balkans, the Americans were mostly afraid of the aggression of Soviet “satellites” against Greece and Yugoslavia. In response, in the early 1950s the United States formed a new security model in the Balkans, which based on a differentiated approach: Greece became a member of NATO, while Yugoslavia entered the anti-Soviet Balkan Pact affiliated with NATO. Yugoslavia became a bridge between the NATO countries – Italy and Greece. Documents held in the US National Archives show that American military leaders spoke out in favor of Yugoslavia’s membership in NATO and insisted on coordinating the military plans of Italy, Yugoslavia, Greece and Turkey. The author concludes that the rapprochement of Yugoslavia, Greece and Turkey was situational. The improvement of the situation in the Balkans after the death of Joseph Stalin led to the collapse of the Balkan Pact. The analysis of American policy in the Balkans made it possible to contribute to the study of the means and methods used by the United States to internationalize military conflicts in various regions of the world in the mid-twentieth and early twenty-first centuries.

scholarly journals JAPAN � U.S. BALLISTIC MISSILE DEFENSE COOPERATION: THE IMPLEMENTATION OF �THE JOINT STATEMENT OF THE SECURITY CONSULTATIVE COMMITTEE (SCC)� IN COUNTERING NORTH KOREA�S BALLISTIC MISSILES PROGRAM (2015-2019)

2020 ◽  
Vol 5 (01) ◽  
pp. 1-26
Author(s):  
Febry Hadiaty ◽  
Anak Agung Banyu Perwita
Keyword(s):  
North Korea ◽  
Qualitative Method ◽  
The United States ◽  
Asia Pacific ◽  
Consultative Committee ◽  
Joint Statement ◽  
Ballistic Missiles ◽  
Ballistic Missile Defense ◽  
Defense Cooperation ◽  
The U.S

Asia-Pacific (now also known as Indo-Pacific) region has a highly complex geopolitics and strategic environment with the fact that some political confrontation and conflicts still remain unsolved within the region. One of important issues in the region also includes North Korea�s ballistic missiles program. This program has become a rapid growing threat for both regional and global security. The lack of accountability on the program and erratic leadership of Kim Jong-Un have also projected threats for the United States and its allies, including Japan. The alliance between Washington and Tokyo has been able to become a remarkable resilient security partnership and has served as the cornerstone for the region�s stability. Both countries have conducted many defense cooperation in several areas, including for ballistic missiles defense cooperation. As one of the forms of the ballistic missiles defense cooperation between Japan and the U.S., the Security Consultative Committee (SCC) as the alliance�s primary defense forum produces joint statement which also highlights the ballistic missiles defense cooperation of Japan and the U.S. to counter North Korea�s ballistic missiles program. Therefore, this article analyzes the implementation of the joint statement of the SCC in deterring North Korea�s ballistic missiles program, particularly the joint statement in the period of 2015 to 2019. In analyzing that, this article uses qualitative method that relies on the primary and secondary resources found that Japan and the U.S. implemented their joint statement of the SCC by enhancing the capabilities of their ballistic missiles defense system.

scholarly journals Polish Public Opinion on the United States Missile Defense Complex in Poland

2021 ◽  
Vol 7 (3) ◽  
pp. 32-41
Author(s):  
Justyna Lipińska
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Public Opinion ◽  
Research Problem ◽  
The United States ◽  
Missile Defense ◽  
Implementation Phase ◽  
Ballistic Missile Defense ◽  
Polish Society ◽  
Defense Cooperation ◽  
The U.S

The ongoing cooperation between the United States and Poland on ballistic missile defense has been centered for a long time solely around the construction of the U.S. missile defense complex in Redzikowo, Poland. Although the complex is going to operate as an element of the NATO Integrated Air and Missile Defense System, its origins were tied to bilateral security and defense cooperation between the U.S. and Poland. As the presence of the U.S. military forces in Poland will remain crucial for Polish security and defense, and the societal support will be vital for its sustainment, it is worth exploring how Polish society reacted to concepts and plans for fielding the U.S. missile defense complex several years ago. The aim of this article was to explore the evolution of societal support and public opinion in Poland related to the construction of the U.S. missile defense complex in Redzikowo, Poland. The following research problem was posed: how has Polish public opinion about the missile defense complex construction changed over time? The research relied on methods of qualitative and quantitative analysis, and the primary research technique was the analysis of public opinion polls in Poland between 2004 and 2019. Public opinion has remained interested in the developments related to hosting the U.S. missile defense complex in Poland since early negotiations to the project implementation phase. The project was seen in a broader context of security and defense cooperation with the U.S. and within the NATO.

Re-Imagining the U.S.-Mexico Border: Policies toward a More Competitive and Sustainable Transborder Region

2010 ◽  
Vol 10 (4) ◽  
pp. 1850212 ◽  
Author(s):  
James Gerber ◽  
Francisco Lara-Valencia ◽  
Carlos de la Parra
Keyword(s):  
Active Role ◽  
The United States ◽  
Border Region ◽  
Infrastructure Development ◽  
Security Cooperation ◽  
Border States ◽  
Mexico Border ◽  
New Institutions ◽  
High Degree ◽  
The U.S

The U.S.-Mexico border region has two important but often overlooked characteristics. First, it is the physical place of most of the integration between the United States and Mexico, including market driven integration such as trade flows, migration, and investment as well as policy driven integration such as security cooperation, infrastructure development, and emergency response. Second, the border region has a growing transnational population that lives, works, goes to school, and participates in family and social networks on both sides of the border. Recent U.S. policy has hardened the border in response to concerns about terrorism, drug and human trafficking, undocumented migration, and arms smuggling. The consequences of these policies include disruption of the on-going economic integration, large external costs imposed on the growing transnational population, and barriers to progress on a number of issues of national importance, including dispute resolution, migration, and environmental management, among others. The paper identifies and discusses the advantages of the three different definitions of the border in current usage: counties and municipios that touch the border; the 100 kilometer boundary first set by the La Paz Agreement and later amended to 300 kilometers in Mexico and 100 in the U.S.; and the ten states that are along the border. The hardening of the border is partly the result of a lack of border institutions and the inability of border residents to speak in a common voice when they talk to their capitals. This is changing, however, as new institutions such as the Border Governors Conference take on a more active role in promoting the interests of border states and border regions. An examination of a recent Delphi survey of border decision-makers shows a high degree of cross border agreement on the goals and needs of the region in key areas such as competitiveness, security, and sustainability.

Strange Bedfellows: U.S Bargaining Behavior with Allies of Convenience

2010 ◽  
Vol 35 (3) ◽  
pp. 144-184 ◽  
Author(s):  
Evan N. Resnick
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Iraq War ◽  
International System ◽  
The United States ◽  
Third Party ◽  
Executive Power ◽  
Security Cooperation ◽  
Neoclassical Realism ◽  
Bargaining Behavior ◽  
The U.S

Despite the ubiquity of the term “alliance of convenience,” the dynamics of these especially tenuous alliances have not been systematically explored by scholars or policymakers. An alliance of convenience is the initiation of security cooperation between ideological and geopolitical adversaries in response to an overarching third-party threat; they are conceptually different from other types of alliances. Neorealist, two-level games, and neoclassical realist theories all seek to explain the outcome of intra-alliance bargaining between the United States and allies of convenience since 1945. Neorealism and two-level games theories broadly predict successful U.S. bargaining because of the United States' favorable position in the international system and the relatively tight constraints on executive power in the United States, respectively. By contrast, neoclassical realism predicts that tight constraints on executive power in the United States should have led the foreign policy executive to bargain unsuccessfully with allies of convenience. In the case of the U.S. alliance of convenience with Iraq during the 1980–88 Iran-Iraq War, neoclassical realism best explains the outcome of U.S. bargaining with Iraq. This case has implications for other U.S. bargaining efforts.

How America Justifies Its War: A Modern/Postmodern Aesthetics of Masculinity and Sovereignty

Hypatia ◽  
2006 ◽  
Vol 21 (4) ◽  
pp. 147-163 ◽  
Author(s):  
Bonnie Mann
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
National Identity ◽  
The United States ◽  
National Defense ◽  
Rational Deliberation ◽  
Mass Public ◽  
National Defense University ◽  
The U.S

The lies about the reasons for the U.S. war against Iraq provoked no mass public outcry in the United States against the war. What is the process of justification for this war, a process that seems to need no reasons? Mann argues that the process of justification is not a process of rational deliberation but one of aesthetic self-constitution, of rebuilding a masculine national identity. Included is a feminist reading of the National Defense University document Shock and Awe.

scholarly journals United States Creates the U.S. Space Command and the U.S. Space Force to Strengthen Military Capabilities in Space

2020 ◽  
Vol 114 (2) ◽  
pp. 323-326
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
International Law ◽  
Armed Forces ◽  
The United States ◽  
General Assembly ◽  
National Defense ◽  
Un General Assembly ◽  
The U.S

President Trump first announced his plans for increasing U.S. military capabilities in space in 2018. In August 2019, his administration created the United States Space Command. With the passage in December 2019 of the 2020 National Defense Authorization Act, the United States established the United States Space Force as a new branch of the armed forces. These developments do not directly implicate international law, but they reflect a growing divergence between the U.S. approach to space and that taken by the UN General Assembly.

scholarly journals United States Gives Notice of Withdrawal from Treaty on Open Skies

2020 ◽  
Vol 114 (4) ◽  
pp. 779-784
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
North Atlantic ◽  
North Atlantic Treaty Organization ◽  
The United States ◽  
Fiscal Year ◽  
National Defense ◽  
Domestic Law ◽  
Former Soviet Republics ◽  
The U.S ◽  
Trump Administration

On May 21, 2020, U.S. Secretary of State Mike Pompeo announced that the United States would withdraw from the Treaty on Open Skies. The treaty, which has been ratified by several former Soviet Republics and most North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) members, allows states parties to conduct observation flights over each other's territory to build trust and transparency with respect to arms control. The treaty gives state parties a right to withdraw upon six months of notice, which Pompeo stated would be formally given by the United States on May 22. Pompeo described the U.S. withdrawal as a response to Russian violations of the treaty and held open the possibility that the United States would rescind its notice of withdrawal in the event of full Russian compliance. U.S. allies in Europe reaffirmed their own commitment to the treaty and to working with Russia over disputes arising from it. The announced U.S. withdrawal raises significant issues of U.S. domestic law, as the Trump administration did not comply with preconditions to withdrawal that had been established by Congress in the National Defense Authorization Act for Fiscal Year 2020.

Sign in / Sign up

Export Citation Format

Share Document