Democracy, reputation for resolve, and civil conflict

2021 ◽  
pp. 002234332110246
Author(s):  
Casey Crisman-Cox

There is a long-running disagreement about how regime type affects a country’s ability to project resolve. Specifically, there is an open question about whether being a democracy helps or hurts a country’s reputation for resolve. I consider this question by directly estimating a state’s reputation for resolve using a unified theoretical and statistical approach. To be precise, I derive an empirical model from a dynamic game of continuous-time bargaining where each side fights in order to build a reputation for resolve. I then fit this model using data on the duration and termination of civil conflicts between 1946 and 2009. I find that while governments tend to have stronger reputations for resolve than the rebels they face, democracies are seen as much less likely to be resolved both prior to and during conflict than their autocratic counterparts. Likewise, democracies are more likely to end a conflict by making a policy change in favor of the rebels than autocracies. Despite these differences, both democracies and autocracies experience a discrete increase in their reputations for resolve once conflict begins, with democracies receiving a much larger boost. As such, these findings contrast with a large literature on democratic credibility theory, while simultaneously providing evidence consistent with some of the logic behind democratic credibility theory.

2020 ◽  
Vol 64 (4) ◽  
pp. 845-856
Author(s):  
Omer Zarpli

Abstract How does regime type affect the likelihood of negotiated settlements that end civil conflicts? A limited number of previous studies have offered divergent theories and mixed findings about whether democracy is an asset or a liability. I draw these disparate findings together and present a novel theory on why leaders under fully democratic and autocratic regimes may have a particularly difficult time in peacemaking, and how leaders in anocratic (hybrid) regimes are more likely to be successful in reaching negotiated settlements. Thus, I hypothesize that the relationship between regime type and the likelihood of conflict-resolution is inverted U-shaped. I test this hypothesis using data on all internal conflicts between 1946 and 2014, and find empirical support. The findings suggest that even if anocracies are more prone to the outbreak of civil wars as has been proposed by previous studies, they are also better at settling these conflicts.


2018 ◽  
Vol 72 (1) ◽  
pp. 215-228 ◽  
Author(s):  
Rebecca H. Best ◽  
Sarah Shair-Rosenfield ◽  
Reed M. Wood

Policy makers and scholars have shown increased interest in gendered approaches to peacemaking, even as evidence of women’s impact on peace processes has remained unclear. In this paper, we explore the influence of gender diversity among decision-making elites on the outcome of ongoing civil conflicts. Specifically, we argue that increased female representation within the national legislature increases the likelihood that a conflict terminates in a negotiated settlement. However, the impact of legislative female representation on conflict termination is conditioned by the power of the legislature vis-à-vis the executive, suggesting that gender diversity exerts a greater impact in states with more authoritative legislatures. We evaluate our hypotheses using data on the manner of conflict termination and the proportion of women in national legislatures between 1945 and 2009. Our results show support for the central argument, suggesting that increasing female representation within legislative bodies increases the likelihood of war termination via negotiated settlement.


Biostatistics ◽  
2018 ◽  
Vol 21 (1) ◽  
pp. 172-185 ◽  
Author(s):  
Pål Christie Ryalen ◽  
Mats Julius Stensrud ◽  
Sophie Fosså ◽  
Kjetil Røysland

Abstract In marginal structural models (MSMs), time is traditionally treated as a discrete parameter. In survival analysis on the other hand, we study processes that develop in continuous time. Therefore, Røysland (2011. A martingale approach to continuous-time marginal structural models. Bernoulli 17, 895–915) developed the continuous-time MSMs, along with continuous-time weights. The continuous-time weights are conceptually similar to the inverse probability weights that are used in discrete time MSMs. Here, we demonstrate that continuous-time MSMs may be used in practice. First, we briefly describe the causal model assumptions using counting process notation, and we suggest how causal effect estimates can be derived by calculating continuous-time weights. Then, we describe how additive hazard models can be used to find such effect estimates. Finally, we apply this strategy to compare medium to long-term differences between the two prostate cancer treatments radical prostatectomy and radiation therapy, using data from the Norwegian Cancer Registry. In contrast to the results of a naive analysis, we find that the marginal cumulative incidence of treatment failure is similar between the strategies, accounting for the competing risk of other death.


2015 ◽  
Vol 70 (1) ◽  
pp. 133-173 ◽  
Author(s):  
David B. Carter

AbstractViolent nonstate groups are usually weaker than the states they target. Theory suggests that groups carefully condition their choice of tactics on anticipated state response. Yet scholars know very little about whether and how groups strategically plan attacks in anticipation of state response. Scholars do not know if and under what conditions groups employ violent tactics to provoke or avoid a forceful state response, although extant theory is consistent with both possibilities. Relatedly, there is little systematic evidence about why groups choose terrorist or guerrilla tactics and how this choice relates to anticipated state response. I develop a theoretical and empirical model of the interaction between groups and states that generates unique evidence on all three fronts. Using data on attacks in Western Europe from 1950 to 2004, I show that guerrilla attacks are sometimes associated with provoking forceful state response, whereas terrorist attacks are generally associated with avoiding forceful response. Groups effectively choose their tactics to avoid forceful state responses that are too damaging for themselves but provoke forceful responses that disproportionately harm civilians. These findings survive several robustness and model specification tests.


2019 ◽  
Author(s):  
◽  
Adriana M. Boersner H.

[ACCESS RESTRICTED TO THE UNIVERSITY OF MISSOURI AT AUTHOR'S REQUEST.] Are all personalist dictators equally prone to intervene in civil conflicts? The current bulk of work on authoritarianism and international relations shows that personalist autocrats are more prone to be hawkish in foreign policy when compared, for example, to military dictators. What is missing, however, is a better understanding as to whether different personalist dictators behave similarly to one another in world politics. In this study, I argue that not all personalist dictators behave in the same way on military intervention due to the interaction between their personality traits and the military capabilities available to them. Drawing on an original dataset on personalist dictators' personality traits, I employ leadership trait analysis - using 386,510 words of text and 1,580 documents from twenty dictators in the period between 1990 and 2009. I find that personality traits do indeed matter for leaders' choices to intervene militarily abroad. Specifically, I show that dictators' level of sensitivity to advice and information (conceptual complexity) in interaction with military capabilities is a significant factor shaping whether they send weapons or deploy troops into a civil conflict abroad. I illustrate my findings and the mechanisms with one case study: Hugo Chavez and his decision to support the Fuerzas Armadas Revolucionarias de Colombia (Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia -FARC).


2020 ◽  
pp. 002200272095706
Author(s):  
Luwei Ying

Political scientists and policy-makers have long argued that state weakness leads to civil conflict while enhancing state power helps prevent violence. Why, then, has increased state capacity worldwide recently coincided with more civil conflicts? This study argues that enhanced state presence at the sub-national level—a symptom of growing state capacity—may induce violent resistance from the established non-state powers such as local leaders and communities in the short term. Empirically, I conduct two analyses, one at the province level and the other at the ethnic group level. To measure state presence, I use accuracy of census data in the first analysis and global ground transportation data in the second analysis. Results demonstrate that increased state presence triggers civil conflict, particularly in the first five years of such increasing state presence, and this effect is stronger in remote and ethnically heterogeneous regions. Evidence also suggests that ethnic groups settled in peripheral regions are prominent resisters to state penetration. This paper thus expands prior understanding of the role of state power in civil conflicts.


2020 ◽  
pp. 002200272095041
Author(s):  
Heather Elko McKibben ◽  
Amy Skoll

How do different types of external intervention affect the likelihood of a negotiated settlement in civil conflicts? Drawing on the negotiation literature, which shows that the nature of the parties’ “best alternative to a negotiated agreement (BATNA)” influences the bargaining process between them, we argue different types of intervention affect governments’ and rebel groups’ BATNAs in different ways. This, in turn, affects the likelihood of a negotiated settlement. To test this argument, we address the fact that interventions are nonrandom, and that characteristics of civil conflicts that lead to different types of intervention also influence the likelihood of a negotiated settlement. We therefore use a two-stage statistical model. The first stage predicts the likelihood of different types of intervention, and drawing on those results, the second stage analyzes the likelihood of a negotiated settlement. The results provide insights into how different types of intervention affect civil conflict outcomes.


2017 ◽  
Vol 35 (4) ◽  
pp. 869-877 ◽  
Author(s):  
Rikard Slapak ◽  
Maria Hamrin ◽  
Timo Pitkänen ◽  
Masatoshi Yamauchi ◽  
Hans Nilsson ◽  
...  

Abstract. Recent studies strongly suggest that a majority of the observed O+ cusp outflows will eventually escape into the solar wind, rather than be transported to the plasma sheet. Therefore, an investigation of plasma sheet flows will add to these studies and give a more complete picture of magnetospheric ion dynamics. Specifically, it will provide a greater understanding of atmospheric loss. We have used Cluster spacecraft 4 to quantify the H+ and O+ total transports in the near-Earth plasma sheet, using data covering 2001–2005. The results show that both H+ and O+ have earthward net fluxes of the orders of 1026 and 1024 s−1, respectively. The O+ plasma sheet return flux is 1 order of magnitude smaller than the O+ outflows observed in the cusps, strengthening the view that most ionospheric O+ outflows do escape. The H+ return flux is approximately the same as the ionospheric outflow, suggesting a stable budget of H+ in the magnetosphere. However, low-energy H+, not detectable by the ion spectrometer, is not considered in our study, leaving the complete magnetospheric H+ circulation an open question. Studying tailward flows separately reveals a total tailward O+ flux of about 0. 5 × 1025 s−1, which can be considered as a lower limit of the nightside auroral region O+ outflow. Lower velocity flows ( < 100 km s−1) contribute most to the total transports, whereas the high-velocity flows contribute very little, suggesting that bursty bulk flows are not dominant in plasma sheet mass transport.


2018 ◽  
Vol 67 ◽  
pp. 02019
Author(s):  
Handrianto Wijaya ◽  
Bambang Heru Susanto

The development of renewable fuels from biomass is very rapid, and becomes the main alternative to replace petroleum-derived fuels that are limited in stock. There has been a lot of experiments to optimize the production of renewable diesel, but it takes time, cost and a lot of trial and error in order to produce a good result. On the other hand, optimization using simulation is more cost and time effective. One of the processes in the production of this renewable fuel is hydrocracking. This experiment aims to study the effect of pressure and temperature in the hydrocracking process using the Analytical Semi Empirical Model (ASEM) method in representing the yield of the product. Mathematical models will be modified and validated using data from existing research. The results show that Analytical Semi Empirical Model can be used to predict the yield of product from hydrocracking, with all of the models show R2 higher than 0.95 and SSE lower than 3.


2019 ◽  
Vol 10 (3) ◽  
pp. 640 ◽  
Author(s):  
Abdinur Ali MOHAMED ◽  
Ahmed Ibrahim NAGEYE

The purpose of this study was to examine relationship between environmental degradation, resource scarcity, and civil conflict in Somalia. Environmental degradation is disposed to increase the number of disputes emerging from duel over the scarce resources. Consequently, it makes the society such offensive that it is inclined to armed conflict. In this study we investigated five variables in which civil conflict was the dependent variable. Population growth, land degradation, water resource and the climate change were explanatory variables. Time series data, 1990-2015, from various sources was employed. Regression methods, Ordinary Least Square was used to estimate the model parameters. Augmented Dickey-Fuller test was used to examine stationary of the data as Johansen cointegration was used to detect the long run relation between the study variables. The study found that one million increase of the rural population will lead the likelihood of the civil conflicts by about 1.04%. The decline of every one hector of arable land will cause the likelihood of the civil conflict to increase by about 1.5%. The rise of the one kilometer cubic of fresh water decreases the likelihood of the civil conflicts to about 4.49%. Rise of the temperature came to be insignificant and has no contribution to the civil conflicts in Somalia.


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