A Shining City on Another Hill: Danish Civil Religion as State Mythology

2011 ◽  
Vol 58 (2) ◽  
pp. 235-246 ◽  
Author(s):  
Niels Reeh

The author attempts to break with the Durkheimian approach to civil religion and seeks to develop a new approach. It is suggested that state agency could fruitfully be brought into the centre of the analytical framework. Norbert Elias’s concept of the survival unit is adopted and the democratic Danish state is regarded as a complex collective actor, not restricted to the government but comprising also its citizens, who have access, however limited, to the political process. From this point of departure, the Danish flag days are analyzed, including the introduction of official state recognition of Danish soldiers serving abroad. The consequence of the adoption of a state-centred analytical framework is that civil religion can be regarded as the official state myth, the autobiography of the Danish state.

2006 ◽  
Vol 22 (1) ◽  
pp. 131-152 ◽  
Author(s):  
Raúúl Beníítez Manaut ◽  
Andrew Selee ◽  
Cynthia J. Arnson

Mexico's democratic transition has helped reduce, if not eliminate, the threat of renewed armed conflict in Chiapas. However, absent more active measures from the government and the Ejéército Zapatista de Liberacióón Nacional (EZLN) to seek a permanent peace agreement and come to terms with the legacies of the past, the conflict will linger on in an unstable déétente, which we term ““armed peace.”” While this situation is far better than the open hostilities of the past, it also belies the promise of a fully democratic society in which all citizens are equally included in the political process. La transicióón democráática en Mééxico ha contribuido a reducir, si no eliminar, la posibilidad de que el conflicto armado en Chiapas se reanude. Sin embargo, sin esfuerzos mas activos por parte del gobierno y del Ejéército Zapatista de Liberacióón Nacional (EZLN) para buscar un acuerdo de paz permanente y saldar cuentas con el pasado, el conflicto permaneceráá en un estado inestable que llamamos ““paz armada””. Aunque esta situacióón es mucho mejor que las tensiones y agresiones del pasado, no cumple los requisitos de una sociedad plenamente democráática en que todos los ciudadanos participan en condiciones de igualdad en el proceso políítico.


2014 ◽  
Vol 4 (1) ◽  
pp. 23
Author(s):  
Tawanda Zinyama ◽  
Joseph Tinarwo

Public administration is carried out through the public service. Public administration is an instrument of the State which is expected to implement the policy decisions made from the political and legislative processes. The rationale of this article is to assess the working relationships between ministers and permanent secretaries in the Government of National Unity in Zimbabwe. The success of the Minister depends to a large degree on the ability and goodwill of a permanent secretary who often has a very different personal or professional background and whom the minster did not appoint. Here lies the vitality of the permanent secretary institution. If a Minister decides to ignore the advice of the permanent secretary, he/she may risk of making serious errors. The permanent secretary is the key link between the democratic process and the public service. This article observed that the mere fact that the permanent secretary carries out the political, economic and social interests and functions of the state from which he/she derives his/her authority and power; and to which he/she is accountable,  no permanent secretary is apolitical and neutral to the ideological predisposition of the elected Ministers. The interaction between the two is a political process. Contemporary administrator requires complex team-work and the synthesis of diverse contributions and view-points.


2017 ◽  
Vol 4 (2) ◽  
pp. 149-167 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ali Askerov

With the advancement of power in 2002, the Justice and Development Party (AKP) has introduced revolutionary policies in Turkey in various realms, including foreign affairs. The new trend in the foreign policy focused on not having problems with neighbors. This could be possible or nearly possible theoretically but eliminating century-long and deep-rooted conflicts with some of the neighbors would not be easy in practice. The new idealistic/moralistic approach necessitated new ways of policy formulation based on mutual gains and unthinkable concessions on the part of Turkey. Ankara’s new approach had given a special importance to building bridges of trust with the neighbors, which also seemed attractive to the political leaders of the neighboring states. This idealistic/moralistic approach was vulnerable to the dynamic political and economic developments in the region and the world in general. The policy did not have a power of sustainability due to the various old, new, and emerging problems around Turkey and hence, the government had to give it up gradually and take a new course of foreign policy based on realistic approaches to defend its national interests.


2020 ◽  
Vol 38 (9) ◽  
pp. 987-994
Author(s):  
Alexandre Pereira ◽  
Flávio de Miranda Ribeiro ◽  
Robin Jeffrey ◽  
Assa Doron

Over the last decade India and Brazil implemented waste policy reforms to tackle the constraints of their waste management. This study compares those reforms using the methodological framework proposed by Wilson where waste policy evolves through a series of subsequent stages, depending on two aspects: local circumstances; and stakeholders’ groups. The current research is exploratory in its scope, adopting this method to describe, compare and evaluate both Indian and Brazilian cases, and also verifying how the model performs when applied to developing countries. The paper confirms Wilson’s conclusions, and adds a perception that in developing economies a special local circumstance is to be considered the point of departure, that is, the particular starting point of Wilson’s evolution. In addition, the research concludes that participation of diverse stakeholder groups throughout the political process is fundamental, and could be key to overcoming the risks of policy setbacks.


2018 ◽  
Vol 34 (1) ◽  
pp. 158-165
Author(s):  
Rully Khairul Anwar ◽  
Agus Rusmana ◽  
M. Taufiq Rahman

This study examines the politics of information within organizations or groups of traditional medical practitioners in West Bandung Regency of West Java Province. The political process of information here includes the activities of how the government implements information policies in relation to traditional medicine. The study also learned how traditional medicine groups respond to public policy on traditional medicine. The method used is qualitative with data collection technique through observation, interview, documentation, and literature study. The results show that there is local politics of information distribution activity in West Bandung society marked by the existence of the managers of traditional medicine, patients, the government with its regulations, and other politics of information distribution activities that led to the maintenance of science and traditional medical services. It is clear that the main reason for the politics of information to exist was economic.


2019 ◽  
Vol 10 (1) ◽  
pp. 88-111
Author(s):  
Julizar Idris ◽  
Abdul Hakim ◽  
Sarwono Sarwono ◽  
Bambang Santoso Haryono

Abstract Public policy formulation as a political process is a dynamic formulation of policies involving many actors, ranging from the executive, legislative, academic, to non-governmental organizations. The purpose of this study was to find out the political process of drafting the Oil and Gas Law and determine the model for the formulation of the Oil and Gas Law in the Republic of Indonesia’s House of Representatives. This research method uses a qualitative approach, through observation, in-interview techniques and documentation of secondary data in the process of collecting data. Data analysis using the Interactive Model method by Miles & Huberman's. The results of the study indicate that the political process of drafting the Constitution of Oil and Gas takes place in the following stages: planning, drafting and discussion. Politically, the planning of the Constitution of Oil and Gas comes from several sources: (1) the bill from the President; (2) the bill from the House of Representatives; and (3) the bill from the Regional Representative Council. The long political process in the public policy formulation in the House of Representatives starts from the process of inventorying input from factions, commissions, and the public to be determined as a Legislative Body decision, then the decision is to be consulted with the Government; afterwards, the results of the consultation are reported to the Plenary Session to make the decision.


2020 ◽  
Vol 102 ◽  
pp. 273-311
Author(s):  
Igor V. Omeliyanchuk

The article examines the attitude of the monarchists to the political figures who headed the Council of Ministers in 1905–1914. Monarchist organizations that functioned in Russia in the beginning of the 20th century were absolutely loyal to the monarch but at the same time were rather skeptical towards the government appointed by him. With most criticism they treated the first Chairman of the Council of Ministers – S. Yu. Witte. They blamed him not only for the destruction of farming in favor of industry development, making the population take to drinking with the aim to replenish the treasury, betrayal of Russian’s interests in the negotiations in Portsmouth and constitutionalism, but also expressly accused him in supporting the revolutionary movement in Russia with goal of seizing the supreme power. P.A. Stolypin was initially received by the monarchists rather loyally in the position of the head of government, but later he also caused displeasure of the Rights when he followed the way of “the constitutionalism” and relied on parliamentary parties in his work, leaving the non-conventional monarchists on the sideline of political process. Moreover, the Rights claimed that Stolypin was to blame for the split in the monarchist camp into the “Dubrovintsy” and the “Obnovlentsy” whose struggle against each other weakened the Rights on the verge of the critical challenge. The new head of the government V.N. Kokovtsov was well supported by the Rights for a certain time who saw him as a kind of “technical” Prime Minister, not outshining the monarch. But when Kokovtsov refused to financially support the “Obnovlentsy” wing of the Rights, who were at first quite loyal to the government, they drifted into the camp of the opposition. And “Dubrovintsy” approved of some of Kokovtsov’s actions in the spheres of finance and economy, but still were wary of the Prime Minister as they saw him as supporter of liberal ideas in the government. So, only I.L Goremykin, who were twice appointed Prime Minister in the period of interest, was not subjected to the criticism of the Rights, who highly valued his devotion to the monarch and thus disregarded the lack of actual success of the government headed by him.


Author(s):  
Anjulin Yonathan Kamlasi ◽  
Marzuki Marzuki ◽  
Mukhamad Murdiono

The purpose of this research is to describe women's participation in the political process so that it can represent gender equality and justice. This research uses descriptive qualitative research. Sources of data in this study are primary data, namely data from interviews with informants involved in this research, and secondary data, namely data from studies of articles, books, results of previous research, and various relevant sources. The data collection techniques used were interviews and documentation. The data analysis used was interactive analysis in the form of data analysis, data presentation, data reduction, concluding, and testing the validity of the data through source triangulation. The results of this research show that women's participation in the political process can be done through the efforts of the government and political parties by providing political education, development of pro-women government programs by both the central and local governments to increase women's involvement in the political process as a form and a form of women's concern for society, nation, and state.


Author(s):  
Geoffrey Marshall

The analysis of British political institutions in the twentieth century has not emerged solely from the writing of textbooks by political scientists. The genesis of general thinking about the government of the United Kingdom is to a lesser degree the product of professional reflection than is the development of theories about comparative government. It evolves more directly from the political process itself and from the controversies about government that government itself generates. This chapter discusses the powers of Parliament, the nature of cabinet government, the accountability of ministers, the dignified institutions, the re-modelling of Dicey’s institution, political institutions and public inquiry, and theory and analysis in political institutions.


2007 ◽  
Vol 36 (3) ◽  
pp. 417-434 ◽  
Author(s):  
RACHEL BROOKS

The government has argued in various arenas that ‘active citizenship’ is one way in which young people can be effectively re-engaged with their communities, and with the political process more broadly. As part of this analysis, it has placed particular emphasis on the potential contribution of youth volunteering. However, many researchers have argued that such initiatives are essentially conservative, placing emphasis firstly on the skills and competences necessary to make a contribution to the economy rather than more innovative understandings of citizenship, and secondly on the importance of active community participation rather than an understanding of welfare rights and social citizenship. In engaging with this debate, this article draws on a study of 21 young people (aged between 16 and 18) involved in a range of different voluntary, peer-driven and socially focused extra-curricular groups in sixth-form colleges. It argues that, for the young people involved in this study, the effects of becoming involved were complex, multidirectional and, in some cases, apparently contradictory. While in some ways the activities appeared to serve essentially conservative functions (for example, by developing sympathy for those in positions of power), in other respects they engendered a much more critical stance to some aspects of the young people's worlds.


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