scholarly journals Ambivalent Strategies: Student-Migrant-Workers’ Efforts at Challenging Administrative Bordering

Sociology ◽  
2021 ◽  
pp. 003803852110331
Author(s):  
Olivia Maury

Migrants’ struggles against borders have been examined extensively among refugees and undocumented migrants, whereas the everyday struggles in contexts of administrative bordering have remained insufficiently examined within the framework of so-called highly skilled migration. Drawing on in-depth interviews (N=34) with migrants holding a student residence permit in Finland, this article addresses the means of challenging administrative borders in a constrained situation produced by the border regime. I argue that student-migrant-workers employ pragmatic strategies by making use of the legal framework to secure their right to residence. However, the efforts at circumventing the constraints of the border regime often become re-inscribed within the framework of capitalist production, displaying the ambivalence of migrant practices. This article contributes to the scarce sociological literature on the struggles around administrative borders and the vague scholarly inquiry into student-migrants' efforts at challenging migration control.

2021 ◽  
pp. 000276422110004
Author(s):  
Mohan Jyoti Dutta

I draw on the key tenets of the culture-centered approach to co-construct the everyday negotiations of COVID-19 (coronavirus disease 2019) among low-wage male Bangladeshi migrant workers in Singapore. The culture-centered approach foregrounds voices infrastructures at the margins as the basis for theorizing health. Based on 87 hours of participant observations of digital spaces and 47 in-depth interviews, I attend to the exploitative conditions of migrant work that constitute the COVID-19 outbreak in the dormitories housing low-wage migrant workers. These exploitative conditions are intertwined with authoritarian techniques of repression deployed by the state that criminalize worker collectivization and erase worker voices. The principle of academic–worker–activist solidarity offers a register for alternative imaginaries of health that intervene directly in Singapore’s extreme neoliberalism.


2021 ◽  
Vol 21 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Julien Fakhoury ◽  
Claudine Burton-Jeangros ◽  
Idris Guessous ◽  
Liala Consoli ◽  
Aline Duvoisin ◽  
...  

Abstract Background In Europe, knowledge about the social determinants of health among undocumented migrants is scarce. The canton of Geneva, Switzerland, implemented in 2017–2018 a pilot public policy aiming at regularizing undocumented migrants. We sought to test for associations between self-rated health, proven eligibility for residence status regularization and social and economic integration. Methods This paper reports data from the first wave of the Parchemins Study, a prospective study whose aim is to investigate the effect of residence status regularization on undocumented migrants’ living conditions and health. The convenience sample included undocumented migrants living in Geneva for at least 3 years. We categorized them into those who were in the process of receiving or had just been granted a residence permit (eligible or newly regularized) and those who had not applied or were ineligible for regularization (undocumented). We conducted multivariate regression analyses to determine factors associated with better self-rated health, i.e., with excellent/very good vs. good/fair/poor self-rated health. Among these factors, measures of integration, social support and economic resources were included. Results Of the 437 participants, 202 (46%) belonged to the eligible or newly regularized group. This group reported better health more frequently than the undocumented group (44.6% versus 28.9%, p-value < .001), but the association was no longer significant after adjustment for social support and economic factors (odds ratio (OR): 1.12; 95% confidence interval (CI): 0.67–1.87). Overall, better health was associated with larger social networks (OR: 1.66; 95% CI: 1.04–2.64). This association remained significant even after adjusting for health-related variables. Conclusion At the onset of the regularization program, access to regularization was not associated with better self-rated health. Policies aiming at favouring undocumented migrants’ inclusion and engagement in social networks may promote better health. Future research should investigate long-term effects of residence status regularization on self-rated health.


2000 ◽  
Vol 9 (1) ◽  
pp. 93-129 ◽  
Author(s):  
Graeme Hugo

Indonesia is the country most affected by the Asian financial crisis which began in mid-1997 and has been the slowest to recover from it. In the present paper the effects of the first two and a half years of the crisis on international population movements influencing Indonesia are discussed. The crisis has increased economic pressures on potential migrant workers in Indonesia and the result has been increased out-movement. In both pre and post-crisis situations this was dominated by women, at least among official migrant workers. The crisis has tightened the labor market in some of Indonesia's main destination countries but the segmentation of the labor market in those countries has limited the impact of the crisis in reducing jobs in those countries. The crisis has created more pressure on undocumented migrants in destination countries but the extent of repatriation, while higher than in the pre-crisis situation, has been limited. The crisis has directly or indirectly affected other international movements influencing Indonesia including expatriate movement to Indonesia and longer-term, south-north migration out of the country. The policy implications of these changes are discussed including the fact that the crisis has led to an increased appreciation of the importance of contract labor migration by government and greater attention being paid to improving the system for migrants themselves and the country as a whole.


2021 ◽  
pp. 146470012110464
Author(s):  
Barbara Grossman-Thompson

In this article, I examine violence as constitutive of mobility for the feminine diasporic subject through an examination of women migrant workers from Nepal. I frame this project with two distinct theoretical approaches to understanding violence. First, I draw upon Catharine MacKinnon's provocative question ‘Are women human?’ to elucidate points of disjuncture between individual women migrants and state policy that dehumanises them. Second, I address some of the gaps in MacKinnon's work by turning to Judith Butler's theory of violence as primarily embodied in the corporeal subject. Drawing on 30 in-depth interviews with returned women migrant workers, I examine three moments in the migration process that demonstrate how violence operates ubiquitously in and through circuits of mobility. I conclude that by putting Butler's and Mackinnon's approaches to violence in dialogue and examining the Nepali case through a dialectic framework, intriguing possibilities for approaching migration and its problematics are revealed.


IZUMI ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 10 (1) ◽  
pp. 131-142
Author(s):  
Muhammad Reza Rustam

One of the reasons foreign workers are looking for jobs abroad is that there are not enough jobs in their home countries. Indonesia is one of the countries that send migrant workers to more developed Asian and Middle Eastern countries. The increasingly rapid flow of globalization in the world goes together with the need for new workers to fill the industry, especially in Japan. This condition has forced Japan to open doors for foreign workers from developing countries to satisfy demand. These workers usually come from developing countries, such as Indonesia, Vietnam, China, the Philippines, and others. In general, they occupy the less desirable working positions over Japanese youth, the so-called 3D work (dirty, dangerous, and demanding). Therefore, the current dynamics of these migrant workers' life in Japan becomes an exciting subject to comprehend, especially for the Indonesian migrant workers. This study aims to determine the dynamics of Indonesian worker's life while working in the Japanese fisheries sector. In particular, the study looks at those who work in oyster cultivation in Hiroshima prefecture. This research was carried out using descriptive analysis methods and field study with in-depth interviews conducted from 2016-2018. The interviews performed in this study were structured to find answers for the following questions: What problems do the workers face while living in Japan? What kind of processes did they go through before coming to Japan? While working in the Japanese fishing industry, how was their life as a Muslim minority?


2021 ◽  
Vol 9 (1) ◽  
pp. 9-19
Author(s):  
Benedictus Simangunsong ◽  
Felisianus N. Rahmat

                                                                        Abstrak Budaya memainkan peran yang sangat penting dalam politik karena menjadi cerminan masyarakat dalam menentukan sikap dan pilihan politik atau membentuk karakteristik masyarakat dalam berpolitik. Contoh dari hubungan antara budaya dan politik bisa tergambarkan pada isu kekerabatan  pada pilkada Manggarai Barat 2020 yang dibahas dalam penelitian ini. Fenomena kekerabatan yang dimaksud adalah adanya kecenderungan dari masyarakat Manggarai Barat pada umumnya untuk memilih pemimpin yang seasal atau karena faktor kekerabatan dan kekeluargaan atau dikenal sebagai budaya lonto leok yang masih kuat mempengaruhi kehidupan masyarakat termasuk politik. Penelitian ini menggunakan paradigma interpretif dengan metode penelitian Fenomenologi. Adapun pengumpulan data penelitian dilakukan dengan data primer yaitu melakukan wawancara mendalam dan dokumentasi serta data sekunder berupa studi kepustakaan. Wawancara dilakukan kepada para informan yang melakukan lonto leok menjelang Pilkada Mabar Tahun 2020 dan juga pada pilkada-pilkada sebelumnya. Hasil penelitian menunjukkan bahwa makna kekerabatan dalam budaya lonto leok pada proses pilkada di Manggarai Barat adalah kebersamaan dan ketergantungan. Sementara peran budaya lonto leok dalam proses politik adalah pada saat pengambilan keputusan dan menumbuhkan ikatan kekerabatan.   Kata kunci: Budaya, Politik, Kekerabatan, Lonto Leok, fenomenologi, makna kekerabatan                                                                   Abstract   Culture plays a very important role in politics because it reflects the everyday life of society in determining political attitudes and choices or shaping the characteristics of society in politics. One of them many examples about the relationship between culture and politics can be illustrated in the issue of kinship in the 2020 West Manggarai regional election discussed in this study. The kinship phenomenon in question is the tendency of the West Manggarai community in general to choose leaders who are in the same kinship and it is known as the lonto leok culture which still strongly influences people's life, including politics. This study uses an interpretive paradigm with phenomenological research methods. The research data collection was carried out with primary data, namely conducting in-depth interviews and documentation and secondary data in the form of literature study. Interviews were conducted with informants who conducted lonto leok ahead of the 2020 Mabar Pilkada and also in the previous pilkada. The results showed that the meaning of kinship in the lonto leok culture in the election process in West Manggarai was togetherness and dependence. Meanwhile, the role of lonto leok culture in the political process is at the time of making decisions and fostering kinship ties.   Keywords: Culture, Politics, Kinship, Lonto Leok, phenomenology, meaning of kinship  


2018 ◽  
Vol 3 (2) ◽  
pp. 99-108
Author(s):  
Zainal Amin Ayub ◽  
Zuryati Mohammed Yusoof

The realization of ASEAN Community 2015 opens a hope of a new era for migrant workers amongst its member countries. The hope is on the comprehensive legal protection for migrant workers against injustice as well as trafficking in the ASEAN Communities. This article aims to looks into the legal framework within few ASEAN countries that provides protection for migrant workers against injustice and human trafficking, and the available recourse to justice for them in case they become the victim of human trafficking. Malaysia becomes the case study as lesson learnt. Doctrinal methodology is adopted in this article. It is found that, in regards to protection of migrant workers, despite the establishment of ASEAN Community 2015, the laws on this regard are scattered. A few members of ASEAN Community are reluctant to embed the protection of migrant workers into their national laws. Also, it is found that ASEAN country like Malaysia has the laws at national level to curb human trafficking of migrant workers. However, though the laws seem to be comprehensive, the effectiveness of its implementation and enforcement of the laws are yet to be seen. It is suggested that the laws on protection of migrant workers to be harmonized and standardised between members of ASEAN Community and the cooperation within members of ASEAN should be enhanced at every level.


Author(s):  
Ajla Demiragić ◽  
Lejla Hajdarpašić ◽  
Džejla Khattab

The Council of Europe’s Gender Equality Strategy 2018-2023, without neglecting the important issue of voluntary and forced migration in the European area and the particular “vulnerability” of migrant women and girls, addresses the protection of the rights of migrant, refugees and asylum-seeking women and girls in the ffth strategic objective by stressing out that “measures need to be taken to ensure that migrant, refugee and asylum-seeking women have access to their human and social rights in relation to individual freedom, employment, housing, health, education, social protection and welfare where applicable; and access to information about their rights and the services available.” In this regard, European experiences after the great migration wave from 2015 have already shown that the full and successful integration of migrant women and girls into European society requires the collaborative work of numerous national and international bodies, governmental and non-governmental sectors, and other relevant institutions and organizations, including libraries that should address special attention “to groups which are often marginalized in culturally diverse societies: minorities, asylum seekers and refugees, residents with a temporary residence permit, migrant workers, and indigenous communities.” (IFLA / UNESCO Multicultural Library Manifesto 2008). In this context, this paper will provide an overview of selected programs and services targeted at migrant women in public libraries in the European area. In conclusion, paper highlights the important role of public libraries in the processes of linguistic and social integration of migrant women, and points out the need for continuous improvement of programs and services designed for migrant women, which should be an integral part of diversifed public library services.


2021 ◽  
Vol 98 (3) ◽  
pp. 28-53
Author(s):  
Alina R. Méndez

This essay examines newspaper articles published in California’s Imperial Valley during the mid-twentieth century that reported stories of braceros (guest workers) and undocumented workers suffering accidents, engaging in intra-ethnic violence, falling prey to criminals, and drinking excessively. These news articles, which often cast Mexican migrants as (potentially) criminal, racialized braceros and their undocumented counterparts as outsiders and undeserving. Collectively, these news articles demonstrate that Mexican migrants experienced what Nancy Scheper-Hughes and Philippe Bourgois describe as a violence “continuum” that connects structural, everyday, and symbolic violence in overlapping and intersecting ways. The alcohol abuse and interpersonal violence so common among braceros and undocumented migrants cannot be separated from the structural and symbolic violence that these men confronted in the Imperial Valley. Migrant workers’ structural vulnerability—which placed them in harm’s way while they worked, during times of leisure, or along the migration route—was the cause, but also a byproduct, of the antisocial behavior that some men adopted to cope with their exploitation. Though scholars have long considered the conditions that I here categorize under structural, everyday, and symbolic violence, I argue that by employing the concept of a continuum of violence we can better account for the wide range of experiences that braceros and undocumented migrants encountered in the United States in the mid-twentieth century.


Author(s):  
Joseph M. Brown

State terrorism is a contentious topic in the field of terrorism studies. Some scholars argue that the concept of terrorism should only be applied to the behavior of nonstate actors. Others argue that certain government behaviors may be understood as terrorism if the intent of state violence and threats is to stoke fear and influence the behavior of a wider audience. Three possible conceptualizations of state terrorism are worth exploring: government sponsorship of nonstate actors’ terrorism, terrorism perpetrated by government agents outside a legal framework, and “inherent” state terrorism—acts perpetrated by the state in the everyday enforcement of law and order that, if perpetrated by nonstate actors, would clearly qualify as terrorism. Each of these conceptualizations yields insight about state behavior, highlighting particular uses of violence and threats as instruments of state policy. Depending on one’s conceptualization of state terrorism, common policies and functions of government possess an underlying terroristic logic. Analytical tools developed in the field of terrorism studies may be useful in helping us understand state behavior, when violence and threats appear to have a broader communicative function in influencing an audience beyond the immediate target.


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