Urban poverty in India: Issues and perspectives in development

Social Change ◽  
2000 ◽  
Vol 30 (1-2) ◽  
pp. 8-32 ◽  
Author(s):  
Amitabh Kundu

The present paper examines the trends in rural and urban poverty, analyses the interstate variations and explains these in terms of socio-economic factors. It shows that rural poverty declines smoothly with economic development, which unfortunately is not the case with urban poverty. The availability of water supply, toilets and electricity, that are not explicitly incorporated in the official definition of poverty, has also been analysed at the state level as also across size class of urban settlements. It is argued that the small and medium towns have a weak and unstable economic base. As a consequence, most of these are not in a position to generate funds to provide civic services to all sections of population. These towns, particularly those located in less developed states, should, therefore, be the major concern of government policy. Further, overviewing the changing system of governance, it argues that the seventy-fourth Constitutional Amendment, has not succeeded in genuine empowerment of civic bodies. The power now seems to have shifted from the state governments to the financial institutions, international donors and credit rating agencies. Finally, the capacity of the government to generate employment directly through anti-poverty programmes would remain limited. The paper, therefore, recommends that the anti-poverty programmes should primarily be focussed on provision of basic amenities.

Author(s):  
Yemima Kristina Panggabean ◽  
Djuara P Lubis

Poverty is one of the social problems that are complex and not easily overcome. Many of the programs organized by the government with the aim of improving social welfare and reduce poverty, both in rural and urban community. Poverty in the rural population is still relatively high, despite the many efforts made by the government and many who hope to reduce poverty. Many factors lead to or affecting rural poverty remains high. There is a new paradigm says that social capital has a relationship with poverty. The purpose of this paper is to analyze the level of poverty of the rural population, analyze the level of social capital, and analyze how the relationship between social capital and poverty level of the community. This research was supported quantitative qualitative data. The results of this study demonstrated an association between social capital with urban poverty. Key words: poverty, relationship, rural community, social capital====================================================ABSTRAK                                                                 Kemiskinan merupakan salah satu masalah sosial yang sangat kompleks dan tidak mudah penanggulangannya. Banyak program yang diselenggarakan oleh pemerintah dengan tujuan meningkatkan kesejahteraan masyarakat dan mengurangi kemiskinan, baik dalam unit desa maupun kota. Kemiskinan pada masyarakat perdesaan masih tergolong  tinggi, walaupun telah banyak upaya yang dilakukan pemerintah dan banyak pihak yang harapannya dapat mengurangi penduduk miskin. Banyak faktor yang mengakibatkan atau mempengaruhi kemiskinan masyarakat perdesaan tetap tinggi. Ada sebuah paradigma baru yang mengatakan bahwa modal sosial memiliki hubungan yang erat dengan kemiskinan. Tujuan dari tulisan ini adalah menganalisis tingkat kemiskinan masyarakat perdesaan, menganalisis tingkat modal sosial, dan menganalisis bagaimana hubungan antara tingkat modal sosial dengan kemiskinan masyarakat tersebut. Penelitian ini merupakan penelitian kuantitatif yang didukung data kualitatif. Hasil penelitian ini menunjukkan terdapat hubungan antara modal sosial dengan kemiskinan masyarakat perdesaan.Kata kunci: hubungan, kemiskinan, masyarakat perdesaan, modal sosial


2021 ◽  
Vol 5 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
L. Thirupathi ◽  
Sultana Aijaz ◽  
K. Bhaskar

By bridging the gap between PRIs and parallel bodies across the country, this study will examine how the process of decentralisation is being actively considered by the Indian government as well as state governments. The multiple parallel bodies established by governments have resulted in the emergence of numerous parallel structures, undermining the panchayats. The proliferation of organisations has confused, as well as conflict and disempowerment of the Panchayats. The interface has become a key component of many state governments' agendas to assist make the multiple parallel entities more effective, sustainable, and PRIs-friendly. Accept that interlinkages will play a limited role and influence in the process of decentralisation and good governance unless the government takes decisive steps to devolve functions, funding, and officials to the PRIs, enabling decentralised planning and convergence. The higher authority would then have to disempower themselves to empower the PRIs. Devolution of power and authority from the State Government to the three-tiered PRIs could provide space and opportunity for more rigorous accountability measures. My article reflects on how many states are implementing programmes primarily through state bureaucracies, resulting in parallel structures, which is contrary to the spirit of the 73rd Constitutional Amendment Act of 1992. <p> </p><p><strong> Article visualizations:</strong></p><p><img src="/-counters-/edu_01/0875/a.php" alt="Hit counter" /></p>


Indian agriculture is known for its historic capacity and reliance on agricultural produce. Though, this sector has seen downs in the 1960s and then for a few years in the 1980s; at present it is one of the growing sectors in India. Thanks to the initiatives taken by the Central and the State Governments from time to time to motivate the farmers through various activities and policies. A few such initiatives are The Pradhan Mantri Fasal Bima Yojna (Corp insurance) in June 2016, Approval of Blue Revolution, and Government Investment to improve milk productivity (Rupees 221 Crores), Energy Efficient Irrigation Systems, Launch of Parikrama Krishi Vikas Yojna (to address critical importance of soil and water for improving agricultural production) at central level and the Kalia Yojna, Waiver of interest on crop loans, Minimum Support Price (MSP) at the state level. Despite such initiatives, Indian agriculture that contributed to 51% to the GDP in the 1950s presently stands at an all time low at 14% in the year 2018. The problem relating to the agricultural sector is not productivity, but it is the lack of interest and motivation on the part of farmers to cultivate due to insufficient and scarce incomes generated by cultivation. This article suggests a model that could be used by the Government in the state of Odisha to motivate farmers produce more and at the same time help revenue generation and employment in the agricultural sector as well.


2017 ◽  
Vol 63 (2) ◽  
pp. 265-283
Author(s):  
Subhendu Ranjan Raj

Development process in Odisha (before 2011 Orissa) may have led to progress but has also resulted in large-scale dispossession of land, homesteads, forests and also denial of livelihood and human rights. In Odisha as the requirements of development increase, the arena of contestation between the state/corporate entities and the people has correspondingly multiplied because the paradigm of contemporary model of growth is not sustainable and leads to irreparable ecological/environmental costs. It has engendered many people’s movements. Struggles in rural Odisha have increasingly focused on proactively stopping of projects, mining, forcible land, forest and water acquisition fallouts from government/corporate sector. Contemporaneously, such people’s movements are happening in Kashipur, Kalinga Nagar, Jagatsinghpur, Lanjigarh, etc. They have not gained much success in achieving their objectives. However, the people’s movement of Baliapal in Odisha is acknowledged as a success. It stopped the central and state governments from bulldozing resistance to set up a National Missile Testing Range in an agriculturally rich area in the mid-1980s by displacing some lakhs of people of their land, homesteads, agricultural production, forests and entitlements. A sustained struggle for 12 years against the state by using Gandhian methods of peaceful civil disobedience movement ultimately won and the government was forced to abandon its project. As uneven growth strategies sharpen, the threats to people’s human rights, natural resources, ecology and subsistence are deepening. Peaceful and non-violent protest movements like Baliapal may be emulated in the years ahead.


2010 ◽  
Vol 24 (3) ◽  
pp. 233-250 ◽  
Author(s):  
Francine Lafontaine ◽  
Fiona Scott Morton

In fall 2008, General Motors and Chrysler were both on the brink of bankruptcy, and Ford was not far behind. As the government stepped in and restructuring began, GM and Chrysler announced their plan to terminate about 2,200 dealerships. In this paper, we first provide an overview of franchising in car distribution, how it came about, and the legal framework within which it functions. States earn about 20 percent of all state sales taxes from auto dealers. As a result, new car dealerships, and especially local or state car dealership associations, have been able to exert influence over local legislatures. This has led to a set of state laws that almost guarantee dealership profitability and survival—albeit at the expense of manufacturer profits. Available evidence and theory suggests that as a result of these laws, distribution costs and retail prices are higher than they otherwise would be; and this is particularly true for Detroit's Big Three car manufacturers—which is likely a factor contributing to their losses in market share vis-à-vis other manufacturers. After discussing the evidence on the effects of the car franchise laws on dealer profit and car prices, we turn to the interaction of the franchise laws and manufacturers' response to the auto crisis. Last, we consider what car distribution might be like if there were no constraints on organization. We conclude that although the state-level franchise laws came about for a reason, the current crisis perhaps provides an opportunity to reconsider the kind of regulatory framework that would best serve consumers, rather than carmakers or car dealers.


Author(s):  
Asma A. Rahim ◽  
Sujina C. Muthukutty ◽  
Sabitha R. Jacob ◽  
Rini Ravindran ◽  
Jayakrishnan Thayyil ◽  
...  

Kozhikode district of North Kerala, India witnessed an outbreak of Nipah virus (NiV) in the month of May 2018. Two adjacent districts were affected leaving 17 patients dead out of the 19 confirmed. United Nations and WHO lauded the expeditious response of the state’s health system in the diagnosis and containment of the outbreak which was unprecedented. The authors being in the contact tracing and surveillance operation district team, had kept a record of timeline of events and actions at the state level, compiled the news clippings and tracked events. In the absence of an end‑of‑epidemic report for reference, these records served as a valuable tool for the present review. We used the Management science for health frame work tool (MSH framework) to evaluate the district and state coordinated actions which helped in curbing the outbreak. Though NiV outbreak in South India (2018) had similar epidemiological features to previous disease outbreaks, it stands out as the one to be detected and contained in a short span of time. As health personnel working in the government medical college of an affected district and directly involved in contact tracing operations and containment measures, exploring and sharing, what worked and how, in the context of multidisciplinary response and recovery attempts of the outbreak in the state may be beneficial to public health personnel and policy makers. This management framework may be replicated in the national and international context, particularly in South East Asian region under threat of emerging viral infections like COVID-19, lacking specific epidemic management frameworks for outbreak response and containment.


Author(s):  
Ramprasad Sengupta

Chapter 2 focuses on the indicators of social sustainability basing alternatively on absolute or relative deprivation of people’s opportunities of consumption, or on the extent of attainment of human capability, enabling people to access a decent life. It has traced the relationship between deprivation—in both absolute and relative sense—and social tension conceived as social welfare loss according to some social welfare function, which underlies any indicator of development. After reviewing briefly the comparative state of inequality-adjusted level of development across developing countries, the chapter focussed on the analysis of the state of poverty, inequality, and measure of social tension (based on poverty gap or Gini coefficient) for the rural and urban sectors separately using the Indian state-level data to assess the state of social sustainability of the Indian economic system.


1973 ◽  
Vol 3 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-28 ◽  
Author(s):  
L. J. Sharpe

In his celebrated study of American democracy written in 1888, Lord Bryce reserved his most condemnatory reflections for city government and in a muchquoted passage asserted: ‘There is no denying that the government of cities is the one conspicuous failure of the United States. The deficiencies of the National government tell but little for evil on the welfare of the people. The faults of the State governments are insignificant compared with the extravagance, corruption and mismanagement which mark the administration of most of the great cities'sangeetha.


2019 ◽  
Vol 16 (4) ◽  
pp. 240-253 ◽  
Author(s):  
Oksana Dudchyk ◽  
Iryna Matvijchuk ◽  
Mariia Kovinia ◽  
Tetiana Salnykova ◽  
Iryna Tubolets

Low financial literacy of population hinders the financial market development, limits the possibilities of using the savings for investing and creating the additional capital in the country. At the state level it results in inflation, the budget deficit creation, a decrease in country’s gold and foreign exchange reserves, an increase in internal and external government debt. The article analyzes the approaches to understanding the concept of financial literacy, tools for its measuring and comparing at micro and macro levels, dynamics of savings and gold and foreign currency reserves, peculiarities of financial literacy through the analysis of dynamics and structure of revenues and expenditures of the government budget and the population of Ukraine. Factors influencing the financial literacy of the population have been systematized. The findings give an idea of creating the optimal managerial influence based on the estimation of financial literacy of the Ukrainian population with the help of specific statistical indicators to expand the possibilities of such influence and to regulate the economic processes to achieve the financial stability of the state and the population. The study showed low financial literacy at both population and state levels. However, at the micro level, creating the credit relations, as well as income, expenses, and savings is more effective than at the macro level.


2021 ◽  
Vol 0 (0) ◽  
Author(s):  
James A. Beckman

Abstract This article analyzes the specific issue of whether an individual could be tried for treason by a State government if that individual is not a resident or citizen of that State. This issue is analyzed through the prism of the landmark case of John Brown v. Commonwealth of Virginia, a criminal prosecution which occurred in October 1859. Brown, a resident of New York, was convicted of treason against the Commonwealth of Virginia, insurrection, and murder after he attempted to overthrow the institution of slavery by force on October 16–18, 1859. After a prosecution and trial which occurred within a matter of weeks following Brown's crimes, Brown was executed on December 2, 1859. To this day, John Brown's trial and execution remains one of the leading examples of a State government exercising its power to enforce treason law on the State level and to execute an individual for that offense. Of course, the John Brown case had a major impact on American history, including being a significant factor in the presidential election of 1860 and an often-cited spark to the powder keg of tensions between the Northern and Southern States, which would erupt into a raging conflagration between the North and South in the American Civil War a short eighteen months later. However, in the legal realm, the Brown case is one of the leading and best-known examples of a state government exercising its authority to enforce its laws prohibiting treason against the State. The purpose of this article is not to discuss treason laws generally or even all the issues applicable to John Brown's trial in 1859. Rather, this article focuses only on the very specific issue of the culpability of a non-resident/non-citizen for treason against a State government. With the increased array of hostile actions against State governments in recent years, and criminal actors crossing state lines to commit these hostile acts, this article discusses an issue of importance to contemporary society, namely whether an individual can be prosecuted and convicted for treason by a State of which the defendant is not a citizen or resident.


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