Towards a New International Technological Order

1979 ◽  
Vol 4 (3) ◽  
pp. 277-300 ◽  
Author(s):  
Johan Galtung
Keyword(s):  
The Political ◽  
Human Beings ◽  
Political Will ◽  
Alternative Technologies ◽  
The Social ◽  
Physical Presence ◽  
Linear Movement ◽  
To Come ◽  
Capital Intensive ◽  
Mode Of Production

The main thesis of the paper is that technology is not merely a mode of production and therefore neutral; it carries within it a code of structures - economic, social, cultural, and also cognitive. The economic code that inheres in Western Technology demands that industries be capital-intensive, research-intensive, organization-intensive and labour-extensive. On the social plane, the code creates a ‘centre’ and a ‘periphery’, thus perpetuating a structure of inequality. In the cultural arena, it sees the West as entrusted by destiny with the mission of casting the rest of the world in its own mould. In the cognitive field, it sees man as the master of nature, the vertical and individualistic relations between human beings as the normal and natural, and history as a linear movement of progress. The transfer of Western technology is thus a structural-cultural invasion, which is not clearly seen as such parly because it is not accompanied by the West's physical presence (as in the days of colonialism), and partly because the fragmentation inherent in Western technology fragments the perception of the total picture. For techniques that create different structures to come into their own, a very clear perception of the interlocking of technology and structures is needed. Also needed is the political will to use alternative technologies as an instrument to bring about a structural change.

scholarly journals The social struggle against death: Human strategies for immortality

2018 ◽  
Vol 7 (13-14) ◽  
Author(s):  
Marko Galić
Keyword(s):  
Human Life ◽  
Life Forms ◽  
Human Beings ◽  
Biological Part ◽  
Knowing That ◽  
Social Struggle ◽  
The Social ◽  
To Come ◽  
The Mind ◽  
Human Death

Death is an infallible part of the human life, and what makes humandifferent from all other beings is fact that he knows that he isgoing to die. Knowing this, human beings are spending their wholelife knowing that the day of their end is going to come. It is clear thatdeath has its biological part, also as a huge event in the existenceof all life forms, including human, death has its philosophical pointof view, and finally, unlike some may disagree, death itself is a hugesocial phenomena as well, and as such, the social influence of deathdeserves close attention and its own part in the social science studies.This paper analyzes the presence of the death in human culture, includinginstitutions, rituals and beliefs following the discourse of lateZygmunt Bauman who left huge influence on this field of study. Sincethe earliest forms of communities, humans are trying to overcomethe death, the state of “after-life” and some form of immortality ofthe being is something that is common to all religions and beliefs everknown to mankind, which stands as a evidence that the final void ofnon-existence know to us as death is something that always presentedhorror in the mind of the humans.

scholarly journals “DOES DEMOCRACY END IN TERROR?” TRANSFORMATIONS OF ANTITOTALITARIANISM IN POSTWAR FRANCE

2015 ◽  
Vol 14 (2) ◽  
pp. 537-563 ◽  
Author(s):  
KEVIN DUONG
Keyword(s):  
Political Thought ◽  
The Political ◽  
French History ◽  
Political Will ◽  
Political Tradition ◽  
The Social ◽  
May 1968

Does democracy end in terror? This essay examines how this question acquired urgency in postwar French political thought by evaluating the critique of totalitarianism after the 1970s, its antecedents, and the shifting conceptual idioms that connected them. It argues that beginning in the 1970s, the critique of totalitarianism was reorganized around notions of “the political” and “the social” to bring into view totalitarianism's democratic provenance. This conceptual mutation displaced earlier denunciations of the bureaucratic nature of totalitarianism by foregrounding anxieties over its voluntarist, democratic sources. Moreover, it projected totalitarianism's origins back to the Jacobin discourse of political will to implicate its postwar inheritors like French communism and May 1968. In so doing, antitotalitarian thinkers stoked a reassessment of liberalism and a reassertion of “the social” as a barrier against excessive democratic voluntarism, the latter embodied no longer by Bolshevism but by a totalitarian Jacobin political tradition haunting modern French history.

scholarly journals Thirukkural and Manu Dharma Shastra

2020 ◽  
Vol 4 (4) ◽  
pp. 1-10
Author(s):  
N Murugesapandian
Keyword(s):  
Ethnic Group ◽  
Social Environment ◽  
Social Dominance ◽  
Tamil Nadu ◽  
Political Power ◽  
The Political ◽  
Human Beings ◽  
Social Stratum ◽  
The Social

In Tamil Nadu, during the Sangam era, Vedic religion and other religions, namely, Jainism and Buddhism, were ideologically introduced. During that period, the social environment of the ethnic group was disintegrating, and the political spread of the Muventhar with the marginal kings was dominant. The land, symbolized by the Tamil language, is expanding and relating to politics. Rules and punishments created in the name of ethics were emphasized in the context of producing bodies that were pro-power. In the ethical texts, Thirukkural and Manu Dharma Shastra are important.The idea that lies in the aftermath of the Thirukkural rules that are celebrated as ethics is to be found. At the same time, the practice of Manu dharma, up and downs in the name of the birth, the inequality of the woman on the basis of gender. In Vedic religion the politics that have kept Bhramins at the top of the social stratum remain early to the present day. As far as Thiruvalluvar is concerned with the development of human beings, Manu has given rise to the social dominance of Varunasirama on the basis of birth. The essence of the article is the attempt to contain the political power that operates in the back of two different ethical literatures.

scholarly journals Exploring Self-existence through RajutKejut Craftivism: A case study in Penjaringan Forest, Jakarta

2020 ◽  
Vol 7 (2) ◽  
pp. 115-128
Author(s):  
Sari Wulandari ◽  
Guntur Guntur ◽  
Martinus Dwi Marianto
Keyword(s):  
Social Capital ◽  
The Political ◽  
Human Beings ◽  
Political Aspect ◽  
Art Activism ◽  
Urban Village ◽  
The Social ◽  
Personal Community

RajutKejut is a knitting community in Jakarta, Indonesia, that has been doing yarnbombing activities since 2014. In 2019, Jakarta Arts Council invited RajutKejut to collaborate with Kampung Air Baja residents in Penjaringan, North Jakarta, in a program called Young Curator Class: Titik Temu Gembira. The program combines forces between RajutKejut and urban village residents to explore life from a different perspective, specifically through art activism. This program’s spirit helps residents have joyful independent lives with dignity through art that encourages life’s passion. The RajutKejut Community shares its knowledge with residents on making necklaces from threads for their dance costumes. This research discusses how RajutKejut brings forward the passion of life through art activism. This research uses Alyce McGovern’s Craftivism method, which dissects craftivism in personal, community, and political aspects. It shows the relation of art to the residents, how art can influence and raise an individual’s potential. The community aspect shows the relation of art and the residents and how art can restore the spirit of togetherness and cooperation. On the political aspect, the art facilitates statements of empowerment from the residents. Through RajutKejut craftivism, the residents have the social capital to help them catch their breath for a while, stop their routines for a moment, and allow them to feel their existence as human beings who have expressions and feelings. Eksplorasi Eksistensi Diri melalui Kraftivisme RajutKejut: Studi Kasus di Hutan Penjaringan, Jakarta ABSTRAK RajutKejut adalah komunitas merajut di Jakarta, Indonesia yang telah melakukan kegiatan ‘bom-benang’ sejak tahun 2014. Pada tahun 2019, Dewan Kesenian Jakarta mengundang RajutKejut untuk berkolaborasi dengan warga Kampung Air Baja di Penjaringan, Jakarta Utara, dalam program Kelas Kurator Muda: Titik Temu Gembira. Program tersebut menggabungkan potensi komunitas RajutKejut dan warga kampung kota untuk mengeksplorasi kehidupan melalui perspektif yang berbeda, khususnya lewat aktivisme seni. Semangat program ini adalah membantu warga untuk memiliki kehidupan mandiri yang menyenangkan dan bermartabat, melalui seni yang mendorong gairah hidup. Komunitas RajutKejut berbagi pengetahuan kepada warga kampung kota, cara membuat kalung dari benang untuk kostum tari mereka. Penelitian ini membahas bagaimana RajutKejut mendorong gairah hidup melalui aktivisme seni. Penelitian ini menggunakan metode Craftivism Alyce McGovern, yang membedah craftivism dalam aspek personal, komunitas, dan politik. Penelitian menunjukkan relasi seni dengan warga kampung, bagaimana seni dapat mempengaruhi dan meningkatkan potensi individu. Dalam aspek komunitas, menunjukkan bagaimana seni berelasi dengan masyarakat dapat mengembalikan semangat kebersamaan dan kerjasama. Pada aspek politik, kesenian memfasilitasi pernyataan pemberdayaan dari warga kampung. Melalui kraftivisme RajutKejut, warga kampung memiliki modal sosial untuk membantu mereka mengatur napas sejenak, menghentikan rutinitas sejenak, dan memberi mereka kesempatan untuk merasakan keberadaannya sebagai manusia yang memiliki ekspresi dan perasaan.

scholarly journals Chancellor A. Merkel's “Secret of Power”: Genesis (2005 ‒ 2013)

2021 ◽  
Vol 105 (5) ◽  
pp. 161-171
Author(s):  
Ekaterina Timoshenkova ◽  
Keyword(s):  
Leadership Style ◽  
Women's Leadership ◽  
Point Of View ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Survival ◽  
Social Democrat ◽  
The Social ◽  
Personal Qualities ◽  
The Difference ◽  
To Come

The article is a study of the political phenomenon of German Chancellor A. Merkel, her special style of governance, objective factors and personal qualities that contributed to the construction of a long and successful career. The author analyzes in detail the period of governmental coalitions of the CDU/CSU with the SPD (2005‒2009) and the FDP (2009‒2013). It was the experience that had the greatest influence on the shaping of her image as a first female Chancellor of Germany. The theory of the difference between women's leadership and men's leadership is used in this paper. Through the prism of this theory we analyze the ways of struggle for leadership. The beginning of Merkel's career and the period of her ministerial activity were characterized by a harsh treatment of her rivals. Later she learned to do it in a softer way. The image of a consensual, supraparty leader, who knows how to find a compromise, is the result of Merkel's conscious work on herself. The need to be chancellor of a “grand coalition” and to cooperate with the SPD, an almost equal partner in terms of strength, contributed greatly to such a leadership style. The second legislative period helped A. Merkel to acquire the qualities of a “crisis manager”. In the conclusion of the article it is concluded that the basis of A. Merkel's political survival was the ability to learn quickly and adapt during various difficulties. From this point of view, the Frau Chancellor's main “teacher” was her first rival, the Social Democrat H. Schroeder. It was his political fate that allowed Merkel to come to a conclusion about the need to combine the post of chancellor and party leadership, which allowed her to stay in power for 16 years.

Tocqueville’s Religious Terror

2021 ◽  
pp. 153-180
Author(s):  
Jason Frank
Keyword(s):  
Political Thought ◽  
Human Agency ◽  
The Political ◽  
Human Beings ◽  
Common Cause ◽  
Social Question ◽  
Individual Agency ◽  
The Social ◽  
The Common ◽  
Collective Actor

One of the central ironies of Alexis de Tocqueville’s political thought was that the democratic era that promised to bring conscious human agency to an equal mankind, freeing human beings from their bondage to tradition and their submission to the sacred, actually threatened them with unprecedented forms of domination. Tocqueville’s sense of “religious terror” is engendered from the spectacle of everyone being “driven willy-nilly along the same road” and having “joined the common cause, some despite themselves, others unwittingly, like blind instruments in the hands of God.” “Religious terror” is both a symptom and a diagnosis of his concern with the deflated status of individual agency in democratic contexts, and with the related eclipse of the political by the social question. This chapter explores this dimension of Tocqueville’s thought and its relation to his denial of such agency to any collective actor, to deny heroism, and its associated grandeur, to the popular will.

Champ religieux et champ politique dans la société singhalaise

1973 ◽  
Vol 20 (2) ◽  
pp. 105-138
Author(s):  
François Houtart
Keyword(s):  
Political Organization ◽  
The Political ◽  
Empirical Reality ◽  
Catholic University ◽  
Religious System ◽  
Economic Production ◽  
The Social ◽  
New Type ◽  
The Difference ◽  
Mode Of Production

The article summarizes a study presented by the author as a doctoral thesis at the Catholic University of Louvain. The approach adopted consists in establishing a theoretical and conceptual framework which would take into account corres ponding relationships among the different systems of the society, at the origin of which is the mode of economic production. The origin of changes and tensions among systems in their fundamental aspects is to be found in chanqes in the mode of production. It is this which leads us to establish three models of society : agrarian, transitional, industrial. The heuristic framework established serves as a hypothesis of work for approaching the empirical reality. Key periods in Sinhalese society were studied and chosen in terms of significant changes such as the adoption of Buddhism, the two colonisations (Portuguese and English) and independence. The main conclusions of the study of these different periods is given in the article. The introduction of Buddhism a little after the establishment of the first Kingdom would correspond to the dysfunctional character of Brahminism in the new type of society demanded by the new orqanization of production. The study of Kandyan feudality in the XVIIIth century provides a parameter for the analysis of the effects of two types of colonisation Kandyan feudality further offers a typical case of a unique structure with almost completely corresponding expressions in the mode of production, the social system. the political organization and the religious system. The difference between the two colonisations consists in the fact that the Portuguese expressed their ideology in religious terms and iustified their conquest on religious grounds

scholarly journals Drought in the sertão as a natural or social phenomenon: establishing the Inspetoria Federal de Obras Contra as Secas, 1909-1923

2010 ◽  
Vol 5 (2) ◽  
pp. 379-398 ◽  
Author(s):  
Eve Elizabeth Buckley
Keyword(s):  
Cultural Factors ◽  
The Political ◽  
Failure To Rescue ◽  
Social Scientists ◽  
Political Will ◽  
The Social ◽  
First Republic ◽  
Ultimate Failure ◽  
Political Conditions ◽  
Climatic Phenomenon

This paper examines interpretations of the drought problem in Brazil's northeast sertão during the First Republic. It compares analysis of drought as primarily a natural or climatic phenomenon - embraced by civil engineers working for the Inspetoria [Federal] de Obras Contra as Secas (IFOCS) - with analyses emphasizing social and political conditions that made drought a crisis for the sertanejo poor. The latter are evident in the report of doctors Belisário Penna and Artur Neiva describing their expedition through the sertão sponsored by IFOCS in 1912. This comparison allows for consideration of the intersection between natural (geographic, climatic) and social (political, cultural) factors that produced the region's periodic crisis. The analysis is informed by the work of social scientists who highlight the multi-dimensional causes underlying natural disasters in politically marginal communities. Technocrats' faith in the context-independent utility of their expertise lay at the heart of IFOCS's ultimate failure to rescue sertanejos from famine, migration and poverty. Because the drought agency's technical personnel never had the political will or muscle to confront the social organization underlying the sertão's recurrent calamity, their ability to alleviate the human suffering that droughts precipitated was severely limited.

Collaborative Writing and Ethical Know-how

2012 ◽  
Vol 5 (4) ◽  
pp. 349-356 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jane Speedy
Keyword(s):  
Collaborative Writing ◽  
Human Being ◽  
Human Beings ◽  
Special Issue ◽  
Social Imagination ◽  
Know How ◽  
The Social ◽  
Conditions Of Possibility ◽  
To Come ◽  
Over Time

It may seem incongruous to come across a ‘sole authored’ text amidst a journal special issue on collaborative writing. For my part the contradiction ‘plays’ eloquently with what it might mean to be/come a singular-yet-silted-up-accumulation of a human being. This paper represents not so much an assemblage (although that, too) as a collectively auto/biographical constellation, accumulation, and distillation of the traces that have remained lying around and about after many decades spent engaged with collective, collaborative and participatory writing. By themselves these sediments and dregs do not amount to much and certainly do not fit together, but as they have accumulated over time they have come to represent something of a body of work. Hence, the conditions of possibility surface for me to give an account of the very particular kinds of ethical know-how that I have witnessed emerging from many groups of people writing together collaboratively within (and to some extent against) the Academy. This paper draws on feminist sensibilities, narrative and poststructuralist ideas, therapeutic practices, Utopian methodologies and multiple writing accumulations over time to suggest that the continued and explicit practice of collaborative writing amongst social researchers alters the academic spaces they inhabit and the ethical know-how that they come by. In time the (albeit fragile) emergence of this different sense of scholarship and scholarly work and even, perhaps, of what it means to be a human being amidst human beings and other elements can begin to rework and expand the social imagination.

Negro Suffrage: The Constitutional Point of View

1906 ◽  
Vol 1 (1) ◽  
pp. 17-43 ◽  
Author(s):  
John C. Rose
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
The United States ◽  
Point Of View ◽  
The Political ◽  
Economic Point ◽  
Ethical Point ◽  
The Social ◽  
Previous Condition ◽  
To Come ◽  
The Right

The Constitution of the United States as amended provides that “The right of citizens of the United States to vote shall not be denied or abridged by the United States or by any State on account of race, color, or previous condition of servitude.” These words are plain. Everybody understands them. They mean, and every one knows that they mean, that, from the constitutional point of view, one question relative to the suffrage is no longer open. That question is the very one about which I am asked to write. From the political point of view, from the historical point of view, from the social point of view, from the economic point of view, and from the ethical point of view, there is much to be said about negro suffrage. For centuries yet to come there may be much to be said. From the constitutional point of view, accurately defined, there has been nothing to say since March 30, 1870. On that day the Secretary of State of the United States proclaimed that the Fifteenth Amendment had been ratified by the legislatures of twenty-nine out of the then thirty-seven States. The apparent assent of a number of these legislatures, perhaps, had not been a real assent. It might have been given under duress. Still, it had been given. The men who assumed to be the legislatures of other of these States may have had little moral and a very doubtful legal right to speak for them.

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