Fashion City: Diasporic Connections and Garment Industrial Histories Between the US and Asia

2017 ◽  
Vol 44 (3) ◽  
pp. 519-532
Author(s):  
Christina H. Moon

This article explores how fashion is key to understanding the material legacies of urban development across East Asia, New York, and Los Angeles. Here, fashion is not just a material object, but a historical set of practices, relations, and migrant narratives. Fashion’s postcolonial legacies and diasporic connections have played a significant role in the development of industrial districts, special economic zones, and knowledge clusters across the Pacific. Likewise, fashion workers and designers continue to shape new urban geographies that stretch across and connect the US and Asia. Drawing upon ethnographic multi-sited fieldwork, and auto-ethnographic reflection, this article examines how the interplay between these industrial histories in garments, markets, labor and design, is shaped by both trans-Pacific and inter-Asian diasporic connections (across New York, LA, Seoul, Hong Kong, Guangzhou, Shenzhen, Shanghai): connections that are vital for understanding the urbanization of contemporary fashion economies across the US and Asia.

Author(s):  
Paul J. Heer

This book chronicles and assesses the little-known involvement of US diplomat George F. Kennan—renowned as an expert on the Soviet Union—in US policy toward East Asia, primarily in the early Cold War years. Kennan, with vital assistance from his deputy John Paton Davies, played pivotal roles in effecting the US withdrawal from the Chinese civil war and the redirection of American occupation policy in Japan, and in developing the “defensive perimeter” concept in the western Pacific. His influence, however, faded soon thereafter: he was less successful in warning against US security commitments in Korea and Indochina, and the impact of the Korean War ultimately eclipsed his strategic vision for US policy in East Asia. This was due in large part to Kennan’s inability to reconcile his judgment that the mainland of East Asia was strategically expendable to the United States with his belief that US prestige should not be compromised there. The book examines the subsequent evolution of Kennan’s thinking about East Asian issues—including his role as a prominent critic of US involvement in the Vietnam War—and the legacies of his engagement with the region.


2021 ◽  
pp. 239-250
Author(s):  
Peter Kornicki

The Allies were making plans to invade the Japanese main islands in late 1945 and spring 1946 when the Japanese government, following the dropping of the atomic bombs and the Soviet Union’s declaration of war on Japan, decided to bring the war to an end and the Emperor broadcast the decision on the radio on 15 August. On 27 August a fleet of Allied ships entered Tokyo Bay and the surrender ceremony took place on 2 September on board the battleship USS Missouri. On board the British battleship HMS King George V was a British naval officer who had learnt Japanese at the US Navy Japanese Language School: he acted as interpreter when a Japanese pilot came on board to guide the ship to its anchorage. Other surrender ceremonies took place in Hong Kong, Singapore and other places which had been captured by Japanese forces: on each occasion Allied linguists were present to act as interpreters.


1996 ◽  
Vol 15 (1) ◽  
pp. 114-115 ◽  
Author(s):  

Human Rights Watch is the largest U.S.-based independent human rights organization. It conducts regular, systematic investigations of human rights abuses in some seventy countries around the world. Human Rights Watch (HRW) includes five divisions, covering Africa, the Americas, Asia, the Middle East, and the signatories of the Helsinki accords, and has four thematic projects: the Arms Project, the Women's Rights Project, the Children's Rights Project, and the Free Expression Project. HRW maintains offices in New York, Washington, Los Angeles, London, Brussels, Moscow, Rio de Janeiro, Dushanbe, and Hong Kong. Human Rights Watch is a nongovernmental organization, supported by contributions from private individuals and foundations worldwide. It accepts no government funds.


2003 ◽  
Vol 176 ◽  
pp. 1097-1098
Author(s):  
Reinhard Drifte

This monumental work is in many ways the essence of Professor Kindermann's 50 years' research on East Asia, theoretically based on the Munich school of neo-realism (of which he is the pre-eminent representative) and inspired by his many personal encounters with those Asian leaders who shaped the region's rise in world politics. It also introduces interesting research by other German scholars, which is often excluded from the English-language literature that dominates the Asian studies field. The focus of the analysis is on the foreign policy of the states in the West Pacific region (including Myanmar and Indochina), their interactions and their place in world politics. It is impossible to summarize the 34 chapters within this review. The books offer a superb chronological and contextual overview of a crucial period in East Asia that is highly readable and illustrated with relevant photos. The most space is devoted to China, documenting its rise from imperial victim to major economic power. The coverage of China's interaction with foreign powers and the domestic background is very detailed, especially concerning the Kuomintang before and after 1949, and the Taiwan issue. The account of the era after the Pacific War focuses mostly on the People's Republic of China. Several pages are devoted to the Quemoy crisis of 1954–55, which revealed the complexities of the US–PRC–Taiwan triangle. Kindermann demonstrates how this crisis was the first application of Washington's “calculated ambiguity” towards the PRC concerning Taiwan. A whole chapter is devoted to the second Taiwan crisis of 1958 and its aftermath in 1962. Kindermann's interviews in Taiwan show how the US actively prevented Chiang Kai-shek's plan of occupying two mainland Chinese cities to start the “liberation” of the PRC. There are four chapters on how the Communist Party established and maintained its rule over China, but the majority deal with China's foreign interactions. On Tibet, Kindermann argues that the 17-item agreement of 1951 between Tibetan leaders and the Communist government may have served as a tolerable solution to the Tibet issue and thus have prevented a lot of hardship for the Tibetan people, even though the Tibetan representatives had been coerced into signing it.


1989 ◽  
Vol 21 (4) ◽  
pp. 461-464 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jimmy Chan ◽  
Richard Lynn

SummaryEvidence has accumulated to suggest that the mean IQs of Orientals in the United States and in the countries of the Pacific Basin are higher than those of Whites (Caucasoids) in the United States and Britain. This paper presents evidence from IQ tests on 4858 6-year-old Chinese children in Hong Kong. On the Coloured Progressive Matrices these children obtained a mean IQ of 116. Samples from Australia, Czechoslovakia, Germany, Romania, the UK and the US obtain IQs in the range 95–102. It is suggested that these results pose difficulties for the environmentalist explanations commonly advanced to explain the low mean IQs obtained by some ethnic minorities in the United States.


Author(s):  
S.O. Buranok ◽  

The article is devoted to the problem of formation of approaches and assessments of the Chinese crisis of 1931 in the US press; it is based on the materials of both Democratic and Republican press of the USA. The materials of the American press of 1931 dedicated to the search for the most efficient optimal strategy of building relations with China and Japan demonstrate a steady interest of American mass media towards negative and positive experience of Asianpolicy. In the course of a difficult search of an optimal view on crisis, several polar points of view were formulated in the American press. A study of daily newspapers and analytical magazines in the United States shows that in the fall of 1931 two approaches to the «Chinese incident» were formed: isolationist and internationalist. In the fall of 1931, the US periodicals did not yet have the idea of “saving China”, which became popular during the second Sino-Japanese war. The journalists and editors viewed a tacit and indirect support for the Japanese claims as only significant model for solving the «China problem». Thus, the study of the positions of the major American press and the most prominent journalists is important for understanding how the USA, after the Chinese crisis, gradually realized its place in the new system of international relations. In addition, the press shows how the United States planned to develop interaction with the warring states in the Pacific Ocean.


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