Collaboration in research: weaving Kaupapa Māori and computer science

Author(s):  
Anna K Rolleston ◽  
Judy Bowen ◽  
Annika Hinze ◽  
Erina Korohina ◽  
Rangi Matamua

We describe a collaboration between Māori (Indigenous people of Aotearoa/New Zealand) and Tauiwi (non-Māori) researchers on a software engineering project. Te Tiriti o Waitangi (The Treaty of Waitangi) provides the basis for Māori to lead research that involves Māori as participants or intends to impact Māori outcomes. Through collaboration, an extension of the traditional four-step software design process was created, culminating in a nine-step integrated process that included Kaupapa Māori (Māori ideology) principles. The collaboration experience for both Māori and Tauiwi highlighted areas of misunderstanding within the research context based on differing worldviews and our ability to navigate and work through this. This article provides context, guiding principles, and recommended research processes where Māori and Tauiwi aim to collaborate.

Author(s):  
Jenny Te Paa-Daniel

In 1992 the Anglican Church in Aotearoa New Zealand and Polynesia, which owed its origin ultimately to the work of Samuel Marsden and other missionaries, undertook a globally unprecedented project to redeem its inglorious colonial past, especially with respect to its treatment of indigenous Maori Anglicans. In this chapter Te Paa Daniel, an indigenous Anglican laywoman, explores the history of her Provincial Church in the Antipodes, outlining the facts of history, including the relationship with the Treaty of Waitangi, the period under Selwyn’s leadership, as experienced and understood from the perspective of Maori Anglicans. The chapter thus brings into view the events that informed and influenced the radical and globally unprecedented Constitutional Revision of 1992 which saw the creation of the partnership between different cultural jurisdictions (tikanga).


2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ruben Kearney-Parata

<p><b>In Aotearoa New Zealand, Māori voters have the option to sign up for one of two electoral rolls: the Māori roll or the general roll. This function of Indigenous political choice and representation occupies a unique place in Aotearoa New Zealand’s constitutional arrangements. </b></p><p>While the Māori electorates have been around for over 150 years, the number of seats have grown from only four to seven in the New Zealand House of Parliament. Electoral roll populations determine the number of seats in Parliament, and provide a sole line of accountability to Māori communities for elected representatives. The Māori Electoral Option, which provides voters the opportunity to change rolls, is only presented once every five years. In this thesis I identify three pervasive systemic barriers, as well as a number of other issues, present in the electoral roll option process. </p><p>This research contributes to the growing literature looking at rangatahi Māori experiences intersecting with identity, place, space and time. Through a Kaupapa Māori lens, this thesis uses interview findings and quantitative analysis to discuss the experiences of rangatahi navigating the Māori electoral roll choice. Here I explore the various influences and complexities which impact rangatahi Māori interaction with the electoral rolls as well as the broader socio-political landscape.</p>


2020 ◽  
Vol 48 (4) ◽  
pp. 556-569
Author(s):  
Jacinta Ruru ◽  
Jacobi Kohu-Morris

In 1840, some of the sovereign nations of Māori signed te Tiriti o Waitangi (the Māori language version of the Treaty of Waitangi) with the British Crown. Hone Heke was the first Māori leader of the northern nation of Ngāpuhi to sign, but by 1844 he was leading a significant revolt against British colonialism in Aotearoa New Zealand by chopping down British flagpoles erected on his lands. While Māori may have initially welcomed the intent of te Tiriti as a means for seeking British help to protect their international borders, the British prioritised the English version of the Treaty which recorded the transfer of sovereignty from Māori to the British. As the British transposed their dominant legal traditions of governance, including bringing to the fore their doctrine of parliamentary supremacy, Māori have been seeking their survival ever since. We extend this by focusing on why the doctrine of parliamentary sovereignty needs to adapt to the Treaty’s promise of bicultural power sharing.


Author(s):  
Celia Haig-Brown ◽  
Te Kawehau Hoskins

Indigenous teacher education has proven to be a powerful influence in the resurgence of Indigenous cultures and languages globally. In Canada and Aotearoa New Zealand, while there are numerous distinctions between the countries in size, linguistic and cultural diversity, and the histories of Indigenous peoples and colonization, an Indigenous commitment to schooling has shaped long-term and recent aspirations in both contexts. Within Canada, the proliferation of Indigenous teacher education programs is a direct result of a 1972 landmark national policy document Indian Control of Indian Education. This document written by Indigenous leaders in response to the Canadian government was the culmination of a decades-long, relentless commitment to creating the best possible schooling systems for Indigenous students within the provinces and territories. In 2015, despite some significant gains, the Truth and Reconciliation Commission of Canada completed its work articulating Calls to Action that reinforce the original recommendations, particularly the focus on Indigenous control of education. In the Aotearoa New Zealand context, the establishment of Māori language schooling pathways and Māori medium teacher education programs has been made possible by activism focused on the recognition of Indigenous-Māori rights to language and culture guaranteed by the 1840 Treaty of Waitangi. Forms of constitutional recognition of the Treaty of Waitangi mean that New Zealand endorses a social policy of biculturalism. From the 1970s and 1980s, responses to exclusionary and racist colonial policies and practices have led to the creation of teacher education programs in both Canada and Aotearoa New Zealand transforming universities and schools and establishing spaces of Indigenous authority, activism and expertise. While the pace of change varies radically from place to place and from institution to institution, and the specific contexts of the two countries differ in important ways, the innumerable Indigenous graduates of the programs make ongoing contributions to Indigenizing, decolonizing, and educating Indigenous and non-Indigenous communities alike. The growth and strengthening of an Indigenous education sector have led to significant policy and curriculum reforms across the education systems and to ongoing engagement in critique, advocacy, research, and practice. Throughout their development, Indigenous leadership and control of the programs remain the immediate and long-range goals.


Land ◽  
2019 ◽  
Vol 8 (11) ◽  
pp. 162
Author(s):  
Matthew Wynyard

Te Tiriti o Waitangi, signed between Māori rangatira (chiefs) and the British Crown in 1840 guaranteed to Māori the ‘full, exclusive and undisturbed possession of their lands’. In the decades that followed, Māori were systematically dispossessed of all but a fraction of their land through a variety of mechanisms, including raupatu (confiscation), the individualisation of title, excessive Crown purchasing and the compulsory acquisition of land for public works. Māori, who have deep cultural and whakapapa (genealogical) connections to the land, were left culturally, materially and spiritually impoverished. Land loss has long been a central grievance for many Māori and the return of land has been a guiding motivation for whānau (extended family), hapū (sub-tribe) and iwi (tribe) seeking redress from the Crown. Since the 1990s, many groups have entered into negotiations to settle their historical grievances with the Crown and while land loss and the deep yearning for its return are central to many Māori claims, precious little land is typically returned to Māori through the settlement process. This paper seeks to critically examine the Treaty settlement process in light of land restitution policies enacted elsewhere and argues that one of the many flaws in the process is the paucity of land returned to Māori.


2017 ◽  
Vol 14 (1) ◽  
pp. 25-34 ◽  
Author(s):  
Belinda Borell ◽  
Helen Moewaka Barnes ◽  
Tim McCreanor

Historical trauma is an important and growing area of research that provides crucial insights into the antecedents of current-day inequities in health and social wellbeing experienced by Indigenous people in colonial settler societies. What is not so readily examined is the flip side of historical trauma experienced by settlers and their descendants, what might be termed “historical privilege”. These historic acts of privilege for settlers, particularly those emigrating from Britain, provide the antecedents for the current-day realities for their descendants and the structural, institutional and interpersonal levels of advantage that are also a key feature of inequities between Indigenous and settler. This article theorises an explicit link between historical trauma and historical privilege and explores how the latter may be examined with particular reference to Aotearoa New Zealand. Three core elements of historical trauma are posited as a useful framework to apply to historical privilege.


2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Damian Scarf ◽  
Wetini Atutahi Rapana ◽  
Taylor Winter ◽  
Benjamin Riordan ◽  
Ririwai Fox ◽  
...  

Background: Previous work has demonstrated that cannabis laws have had a disproportionate impact on Māori, the Indigenous people of Aotearoa New Zealand. In an attempt to address this bias, the New Zealand Government amended cannabis laws in 2019, providing police with the power to determine whether a health-centred approach would be more beneficial than a conviction. In the current study, we use population level data to assess whether this law change has ameliorated the bias in cannabis convictions for Māori.Methods: Data were drawn from the Integrated Data Infrastructure (IDI), a large government database hosted by Aotearoa New Zealand’s national statistics office. After constructing the population in the IDI, and filtering down to those who 1) were between 18 and 65, 2) were Māori or Pākehā and, 3) had any cannabis charges that proceeded to the courts, we had a sample of over 2,000 individuals.Results: Māori ethnicity was a significant predictor of the likelihood of receiving a cannabis conviction for Māori males, with a marginal effect for Māori females. Further, there was no reduction in the number of cannabis charges before vs. after the amendment to cannabis laws.Conclusion: The current study demonstrates that the 2019 amendment has not ameliorated the bias in cannabis convictions for Māori. Given this, the New Zealand Government must follow other countries around the world and move forward on cannabis law reform.


2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
◽  
Maija McSweeney-Novak

<p>New Zealand’s aspiration to be a bicultural nation, has yet to be realised. Māori continue to experience discrimination across all life domains. Research published in 2004, reported New Zealanders as being more supportive of symbolic than resource-based biculturalism. However, socio-political changes, the absence of research examining New Zealanders’ Treaty knowledge, and implicit racial biases towards Māori, suggest an update of this work is needed. Across two studies, this research aimed to investigate New Zealanders’ attitudes towards biculturalism in Aotearoa New Zealand. In Study 1, New Zealand born undergraduates (N = 56), completed the Implicit Association Test, a Pākehā Attitudes Towards Biculturalism Scale, a Treaty of Waitangi knowledge scale and estimated their declared Treaty of Waitangi knowledge. Study 2 was designed to replicate Study 1, and address limitations with a larger, more representative sample (N= 100). The Dunning-Kruger effect was also a specific focus. Across both studies, New Zealanders were more supportive of symbolic rather than resource-based biculturalism and showed an implicit racial bias towards Māori. In Study 2, we revealed new empirical evidence for the Dunning-Kruger effect: when estimating their knowledge relative to peers: lower performers over-estimated their knowledge whereas higher performers under-estimated their knowledge. Our results highlight that New Zealanders’ attitudes towards biculturalism have remained relatively unchanged since Sibley and Liu’s (2004) work, and raise concern for the aspirations of New Zealand as a bicultural nation. Implications and future research directions are discussed.</p>


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