scholarly journals Brexit barbarization? The UK leaving the EU as de-civilizing trend

2020 ◽  
pp. 144078332096052
Author(s):  
David Inglis

Social scientists have begun to offer varied diagnoses of why Brexit has happened, and what its consequences have been and will likely be. This article does so by drawing upon Elias-inspired notions of longer-term de-civilizing processes, shorter-term de-civilizing spurts, and short-term de-civilizing offensives. Brexit is conceived of as involving a set of interlocking phenomena and tendencies which are de-civilizing in nature, and therefore de-cosmopolit(an)izing too. Diverse empirical phenomena in the UK are made sense of through the unifying conceptual apparatus of ‘de-civilization’, allowing analysis to start to relate them to each other systematically. The article also uses this sociological approach to look ahead tentatively to what the post-Brexit socio-political landscape may look like in the future.

2020 ◽  
pp. bmjmilitary-2020-001455 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jonathan Blair Thomas Herron ◽  
K M Heil ◽  
D Reid

In 2015, the UK government published the National Strategic Defence and Security Review (SDSR) 2015, which laid out their vision for the future roles and structure of the UK Armed Forces. SDSR 2015 envisaged making broader use of the Armed Forces to support missions other than warfighting. One element of this would be to increase the scale and scope of defence engagement (DE) activities that the UK conducts overseas. DE activities traditionally involve the use of personnel and assets to help prevent conflict, build stability and gain influence with partner nations as part of a short-term training teams. This paper aimed to give an overview of the Specialist Infantry Group and its role in UK DE. It will explore the reasons why the SDSR 2015 recommended their formation as well as an insight into future tasks.


2020 ◽  
pp. 002201832097753
Author(s):  
Gemma Davies ◽  
Paul Arnell

The Republic of Ireland and the United Kingdom have a long, close and difficult history. The most recent phase of which dates from 1998 and the conclusion of the Good Friday Agreement. Since 1921, however, there has been unique practice between Ireland and the UK as regards the transfer of accused and convicted persons from one to the other. Indeed, there has been a special and close relationship between the two in that regard; albeit one not without difficulties. In recent times EU Justice and Home Affairs measures and the Good Friday Agreement have supplemented and strengthened the relationship. These include, since January 2004, the European Arrest Warrant (EAW). The EAW has been particularly important in streamlining the extradition process between the Ireland and the UK. This phase of history and co-operation is coming to an end. The UK’s membership of the EU has now ceased, and a transition period during which the UK remains part of the EAW will end on 31st December 2020. The extradition relationship between the two is therefore facing a considerable challenge. There are several options open to Ireland, the UK and the EU as a replacement. Time, political will and the interests of third states, however, may well stand in the way of the conclusion of an agreement that optimally serves the interests of all parties and criminal justice. This paper considers the origins of extradition between the UK and Ireland and the alternative methods of extradition open to the UK and Ireland after Brexit. Consideration is given to the likely operation of a Norway-Iceland style agreement and whether such an agreement will be in place by the end of the transition and, if it was, whether its terms are likely to be sufficient for the needs of Ireland and the UK. The possibility of a bilateral arrangement on extradition between Ireland and the UK is also explored. Underlying the discussion is the critical point that the future extradition relationship must retain its ‘special’ characteristics, and therefore maintain the trust and good will that has developed over the years and given rise to an effective extradition relationship between the two countries. In other words, the lessons of history must be remembered.


Author(s):  
Michael Dougan

Following a national referendum on 23 June 2016, the UK announced its intention to end its decades-long membership of the EU. That decision initiated a process of complex negotiations, governed by Article 50 of the Treaty on European Union, with a view to making the arrangements required for an ‘orderly Brexit’. This book explores the UK’s departure from the EU from a legal perspective. As well as analysing the various constitutional principles relevant to ‘EU withdrawal law’, and detailing the main issues and problems arising during the Brexit process itself, the book provides a critical analysis of the final EU–UK Withdrawal Agreement—including dedicated chapters on the future protection of citizens’ rights, the border between Ireland and Northern Ireland, and the prospects for future EU–UK relations in fields such as trade and security.


Author(s):  
Federico Fabbrini

This chapter analyses the European Union during Brexit, explaining how the EU institutions and Member States reacted to the UK’s decision to leave the EU. It outlines how they went about this in the course of the withdrawal negotiations. The EU institutions and Member States managed to adopt a very united stance vis-à-vis a withdrawing state, establishing effective institutional mechanisms and succeeding in imposing their strategic preferences in the negotiations with the UK. Nevertheless, the EU was also absorbed during Brexit by internal preparations to face both the scenario of a ‘hard Brexit’—the UK leaving the EU with no deal—and of a ‘no Brexit’—with the UK subsequently delaying exit and extending its EU membership. Finally, during Brexit the EU increasingly started working as a union of 27 Member States—the EU27—which in this format opened a debate on the future of Europe and developed new policy initiatives, especially in the field of defence and military cooperation.


2007 ◽  
Vol 89 (1) ◽  
pp. 12-14
Author(s):  
L Williams

The surgical training system in the UK has long been considered to be of a very high standard. However, it is currently under threat from many changes. To assure the quality of the future surgical consultant workforce we have moved away from apprentice-type training towards more ordered education. Although the reduction in hours and years will mean less overall experience there is a genuine belief that improved education and assessment can compensate. It says much for our island mentality that although we belong to the EU we consider European surgical training to be distinct from our own.


ERA Forum ◽  
2020 ◽  
Vol 21 (4) ◽  
pp. 655-665
Author(s):  
Colin T. Reid

AbstractThe UK’s withdrawal from the EU will not bring about immediate changes to the substance of environmental law in the UK, but that law will become easier to change. The future position is complicated by devolution within the UK, where differing policy objectives on continuing alignment with the EU and weaknesses in the inter-governmental structures are causing problems. Environmental principles are being given legal recognition and new structures for environmental governance being created for each nation. These include environmental watchdogs that go some of the way to making up for the loss of the oversight provided by the EU institutions.


BMJ Open ◽  
2019 ◽  
Vol 9 (9) ◽  
pp. e025025
Author(s):  
George Garas ◽  
Isabella Cingolani ◽  
Vanash M Patel ◽  
Pietro Panzarasa ◽  
Ara Darzi ◽  
...  

ObjectiveTo evaluate the role of the European Union (EU) as a research collaborator in the UK’s success as a global leader in healthcare research and innovation and quantify the impact that Brexit may have.DesignNetwork and regression analysis of scientific collaboration, followed by simulation models based on alternative scenarios.SettingInternational real-world collaboration network among all countries involved in robotic surgical research and innovation.Participants772 organisations from industry and academia nested within 56 countries and connected through 2397 collaboration links.Main outcome measuresResearch impact measured through citations and innovation value measured through the innovation index.ResultsGlobally, the UK ranks third in robotic surgical innovation, and the EU constitutes its prime collaborator. Brokerage opportunities and collaborators’ geographical diversity are associated with a country’s research impact (c=211.320 and 244.527, respectively; p<0·01) and innovation (c=18.819 and 30.850, respectively; p<0·01). Replacing EU collaborators with US ones is the only strategy that could benefit the UK, but on the condition that US collaborators are chosen among the top-performing ones, which is likely to be very difficult and costly, at least in the short term.ConclusionsThis study suggests what has long been argued, namely that the UK-EU research partnership has been mutually beneficial and that its continuation represents the best possible outcome for both negotiating parties. However, the uncertainties raised by Brexit necessitate looking beyond the EU for potential research partners. In the short term, the UK’s best strategy might be to try and maintain its academic links with the EU. In the longer term, strategic relationships with research powerhouses, including the USA, China and India, are likely to be crucial for the UK to remain a global innovation leader.


2019 ◽  
Vol 21 (3) ◽  
pp. 219-225
Author(s):  
Colin T. Reid

During the UK’s membership of the EU, the EU structures have provided a degree of external oversight, ensuring that environmental obligations are fulfilled. To fill the gaps left by the removal of these structures, the different parts of the UK are currently developing their own proposals for environmental principles and governance, which are briefly outlined. The different national schemes adopt different approaches and have to fit into different legal and policy backgrounds. Although collaboration is desirable it seems unlikely to be achieved, if only because of the different timescales for turning proposals into action. Progress with the different national schemes may be disrupted by the need to meet any commitments made by the UK government in international agreements. These agreements may include environmental provisions, and the “Backstop” to the Withdrawal Agreement between the UK and the EU contains substantial commitments on environmental governance. Some firm suggestions are made for enhancing future collaboration.


elni Review ◽  
2017 ◽  
pp. 11-16
Author(s):  
Céline Charveriat ◽  
Andrew Farmer

Brexit is an unprecedented event for the EU. No Member State has ever left the Union previously. At most, overseas territories with small populations have changed status, such as Greenland (Denmark) in 1985 and the Outermost Region Saint Barthélemy (France), which became an Overseas Country and Territory (OCT) in 2012. These cases may have limited lessons for the UK adapting its legislation post-Brexit, as they did not impact EU decision making and law and, therefore, are not precedents for the subject of this paper. There has been quite a lot of analysis on the possible consequences of Brexit for the future of UK environmental law. However, less attention has been given to the implications Brexit may have for the future of EU environmental law and policy. This paper presents some thoughts on this subject. It begins with a consideration of the impact of Brexit on the general political and economic atmosphere of EU environmental policy making. The paper then considers the issues of trade and the external border. Some specific policy areas are examined, including chemicals, climate policy and agriculture. The paper ends by considering the implications of a possible future dispute mechanism with the UK.


1997 ◽  
Vol 71 (4) ◽  
pp. 271-298 ◽  
Author(s):  
W.M. Hominick ◽  
B.R. Briscoe ◽  
F.G. del Pino ◽  
Jian Heng ◽  
D.J. Hunt ◽  
...  

COST Action 819: Entomopathogenic nematodes, supercedes Action 812: Cold active lines of insect parasitic nematodes in Agriculture and Biotechnology. It functions in the field of Agriculture and Biotechnology and began in July 1994 and will end in May, 1999. The main objective is to combine interrelated European expertise to increase the use of entomopathogenic nematodes (EPNs) in integrated pest management and to reduce the need for chemical control. Coordination of the Action is the responsibility of a management committee in accordance with a Memorandum of Understanding, which has been signed by representatives of 17 countries: Austria, Belgium, Czech Republic, Finland, France, Germany, Hungary, Ireland, Italy, The Netherlands, Norway, Poland, Portugal, Spain, Sweden, Switzerland and the UK. A research institute in Israel is also participating. Over 40 research institutions and 10 commercial companies participate in Action 819. The EU funding meets the costs related to coordination including the scientific secretariat, workshops, management committee and working group meetings, publications, short term scientific missions and evaluations.


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