The effects of US–China competing strategies in Asia-Pacific on India and Pakistan rivalry in the South Asian region

2021 ◽  
pp. 205789112110211
Author(s):  
Zafar Khan

This article primarily focuses on how the increasing US–China competing strategies in Asia-Pacific affect the policies of South Asian rivals India and Pakistan when, on the one hand, the US as part of its offshore balancing grand strategy has been increasing its strategic partnership with India through the transfer of emerging technologies in terms of military modernization process, and on the other hand, China and Pakistan have improved their geo-economic and geostrategic partnership as part of the Chinese grand strategy via the Belt and Road Initiative while enabling Pakistan to produce effective countermeasures against its potential adversary. The article presumes that, in doing so, such competing strategies frame a quadrangle setting comprising of US and India to deter and contain China on the one hand and China and Pakistan to produce countermeasures and try to create a balance to potentially prevent the risk of conflict in South Asia out of such competing strategies at the quadrangle order conceived here. However, in fact, neither the US nor rising China would desire such a possibility of conflict otherwise unintendedly occurring from the intense US–China competing strategies while affecting the policies of the South Asian rivals. The article concludes that the shaping of this quadrangle framework may bring both opportunities and challenges for the South Asian rivals. It also concludes that the more intense the competition between the US and China becomes, the more intense its implications could be on the South Asian rivals, while the reduced tension between China and the US, although unlikely, would have reduced pressure on India and Pakistan relations as well.

Author(s):  
Asifa Jahangir ◽  
Furqan Khan

The Indo-US strategic bonding is shifting the security dynamics of the South Asian balance-of-power in Indian favour. From the signing of 123 US-India Nuclear Deal to the facilitation in becoming a member of the Missile Technology Control Regime (MTCR), the US has clearly designated India as an instrumental element in the American grand strategy of devising a ‘new world order’. As a result, India has grabbed the opportunity of alleviating its status as a credible regional and global power. In this regard, the US tilt towards India is significantly paving grounds for a strategic imbalance in the South Asian region, thus creating challenges for Pakistan. Therefore, this paper argues that the growing bonhomie between the US and India is a destabilizing factor in the region which reinforces Pakistan’s fast falling into the Chinese orbit; thereby cementing the old friendship into a new strategic partnership. This dynamic certainly gives China and Pakistan an incentive to work together so as to keep the value of Pakistan’s nuclear deterrence alive. In an effort to expand the horizon on the subject, the paper is dedicated to critically examine the existing cooperation between India and the US while equally foreseeing the possible implications for the region in the face of such destabilizing cooperation. More importantly, based on qualitative data, this paper explores how Indo-US strategic partnership is directly impacting Pakistan and its strategic partnership with China; thereby explaining how the growing relationship between the US and India has undermined the traditional balance-of-power in the South Asian region?


2018 ◽  
Vol 5 (2) ◽  
pp. 140-148
Author(s):  
D. G. Dragan

In this article, the author attempts to determine the strategic directions of Romania’s foreign policy. Significant geopolitical events in Europe expose the need to clarify the priorities of the policy pursued by the country. Historically in foreign relations Romania has employed diplomatic strategies that allowed it, according to historians, to «anoeuvre» between the centres of power on the international arena. However, in the early 2000’s a departure from this tradition has become apparent, especially during the administration of Traian Basescu (2004–2014), which also coincided with the country’s joining NATO in 2004 and EU in 2007. After the collapse of the socialist bloc Romania set its priorities, firstly, in the direction of joining both NATO and EU and later bringing the country in accordance with their norms and standards was put high on the agenda. Having become a member of the Alliance and an EU-state, Romania has been determining its foreign policy from the point of view of synchronizing its strategic goals with those of NATO and EU. Along with this, the strategic partnership with the US and the attached to it significant importance for Romania dictate the one-sided political approach deprived of the traditional manoeuvre capability in foreign affairs. This is also proven by the fact that despite the declared and established privileged relations with a number of countries, the level of their “strategic” execution is very low in reality. That being said, the direction of the relations between Romania and the Russian Federation, whose views on many regional and international issues differ, are likely to be greatly influenced by the state of the Russia-West affairs. Having analyzed the historic and current aspects of Romania’s foreign policy, the author determines the preservation of the euroatlanticism course as the main direction of the development of the foreign policy of Romania.


Author(s):  
Jude Woodward

This chapter (and the next) look at the US’s recent intervention in the South China Sea and China’s responses. It considers the varying domestic and strategic concerns of these primarily island countries. It analyses the drivers of their responses to the sovereignty disputes in the Sea and to the key US initiative of the TPP. This chapter and the next are linked to the one that follows on Vietnam, which also plays a critical role in the shifting relation of forces in the South China Sea disputes. This is the region where the US has invested most hopes in a dramatic shift in regional alignments against China. These chapters assess the US’s progress, and conclude that – despite its lack of a local ally with anything like the weight of Japan or South Korea and the immense geographic extension of American power involved in maintaining its presence in the region – in some respects the US ’rebalance’ strategies have made more progress here to China’s south than to its east.


The One Belt One Road (OBOR) summit in Beijing this month has focused the world’s attention on China’s ‘grand strategy’


2021 ◽  
Vol 0 (0) ◽  
Author(s):  
Jasmine Lee ◽  
Chun Maung ◽  
Jenzel Espares ◽  
Justin Chen ◽  
Frenda Yip ◽  
...  

Abstract Context Research regarding patient awareness of osteopathic manipulative medicine (OMM) can help identify barriers and factors limiting patient knowledge. Levels of knowledge about OMM and osteopathic physicians have been studied in New York’s Chinese and Korean populations, but have not previously been investigated in the South Asian population. Objectives To assess the knowledge of OMM and osteopathic physicians within a South Asian community of New York. Methods A cross-sectional study was designed in which a culturally appropriate survey, provided in both English and Hindi, was administered to study participants in order to measure knowledge of osteopathic medicine. The study utilized convenience sampling and distributed surveys to individuals who identified themselves of South Asian descent at high traffic sites in Hicksville, New York. The survey contained 10 questions, assessing the individual’s knowledge of osteopathic medicine. The Kruskal–Wallis and Chi-Square tests were employed to determine statistical significance of the data obtained from the surveys. Results The survey was conducted on 100 participants in Hicksville, New York. The respondent demographics included 53 males and 47 females with an average age of 41.2 ± 16.3 years old. There were 34 (34%) participants who had heard of osteopathic manipulative medicine (OMM) and 26 (26%) participants who had knowledge of doctor of osteopathic medicine (DO) physicians. Respondents were found more likely to have knowledge of DOs if they were born in the United States (US) vs. other countries (US, 8 of 14 [57.1%] vs. others, 18 of 86 [20.9%]; p=0.006) or lived longer in the US (11 of 26 [42.3%], p=0.039). Participants who spoke a non-English primary language were also found less likely to have knowledge of DOs as they made up 46 of the 58 respondents who indicated no knowledge (79.3%, p=0.042). Conclusions A general lack of knowledge of DOs and OMM exists within the South Asian community of Hicksville, New York and lower levels of awareness were found among participants who were male, born outside the US, had a language other than English as their primary language, and had spent less time in the US. Additional educational resources may be implemented to increase awareness of DOs and OMM among this and similar communities.


Polylogos ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 5 (№ 4 (18)) ◽  
pp. 0
Author(s):  
Natalia Emelyanova

  The article examines the main guidelines for understanding the conjugation of traditional values with the Western understanding of modernity and social progress for the South Asian subcontinent. The general crisis of the reformist movement, which failed to develop a balanced modernization approach, which could harmoniously combine Western political, economic and cultural values with national spiritual foundations, is stated; the crisis clearly manifested itself at the end of the 20th century. The article also focuses on the most significant aspects of socio-political modernization in the countries of South Asia (social asymmetry, pendulum-like nature of power legitimation, radicalization of forms of political change, etc.). Separately, it is emphasized that the political development of modern states of the South Asian subcontinent demonstrates a pronounced tendency to strengthen national identity with an active appeal to religious self-identification, on the one hand, and a negative assessment of the colonial past, on the other.


2016 ◽  
Vol I (II) ◽  
pp. 30-44
Author(s):  
Niaz Ali Sardar ◽  
Khan Afraid Manzoor ◽  
Naazer Manzoor Ahmad

Due to unprecedented rise of China in the economic, political and social domains world is shifting its strategic focus from the European Politics to both continental and maritime domains of Asia resulting in a challenge for the US and its allies. US, China and India are tied into strategic ingredients of cooperation, competition and containment. US intends to assign India an appropriate, competitive and probable offshore balancing role against China - that is, a strategy of balancing without containment. Engaging into an active conflict is not envisaged due to close integration of these powers in terms of economic, political, social and cultural domains. Indo US close strategic coordination is win-win situation for both the countries. India may become an offshore balancing power for US to retain its influence in Asia Pacific region against China and its allies; On the other hand it brings treasure of opportunities for India to strengthen its military arsenal with open doors of US sophisticated technology with the co-production and co-development framework. This generous access to the state of the art military hardware would enhance India's power projection capabilities to the maximum, posing security implications for neighbors' and adversaries to India. Moreover growing Indo US nexus aiming balancing and containment of China has serious regional strategic security implications.


2018 ◽  
Vol III (I) ◽  
pp. 1-16
Author(s):  
Mujahid Hussain ◽  
Syed Umair Jalal ◽  
Muhammad Bilal

The United States and India relationship has changed from offense to more extensive engagement since 2004. 0With mutual interest and potential of both, the US and India relationship has matured into a strategic partnership through mutual atomic cooperation. This paper investigates the cost and advantage of the strategic partnership of India and the US and the effect on the South Asian balance of power in the backdrop of PakUS relationships. It additionally concentrates on the security structure of the neighborhood, and challenges for the US to keep up strategic partnerships with the opponents India and Pakistan.


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