scholarly journals Advertising communications in politics: the essence and main approaches to the study

2021 ◽  
Vol 5 (3) ◽  
pp. 136-147
Author(s):  
Artur Rafikov

The purpose of this work is to develop and test a definition of «advertising communications in politics». A retrospective method is used, which assumes an analysis of development of scientific approaches to the phenomenon of political advertising in the Russian political science. The result of this study is the definition of «advertising communications in politics», by which it is proposed to consider the process of transmission by a political actor to other political market participants of advertising information containing some data about this actor, their program and activitywhileusing various argumentation, as well as rhetorical, stylistic and other speech techniques, and the purpose of which is to influence the behavior of the selected electoral groups and to encourage them to commit certain targeted actions. The proposed definition allows identifying and analyzingof advertising communicationsin the digital environment with its new frameworks, such as for example posts and publications in social networks, as well as materials on the official websites of political actors. The theoretical significance of this work lies in the relevance of the proposed definition for the digital environment, as well as in the possibilityof using it for distinguishing advertising communications from PR communications, since the nature of the information transmitted in the process of communication is used as a criterion for distinction.

2016 ◽  
Vol 6 (2) ◽  
pp. 342-353
Author(s):  
Zeynep Arslan

Through comparative literature research and qualitative analysis, this article considers the development of Alevi identity and political agency among the diaspora living in a European democratic context. This affects the Alevi emergence as political actors in Turkey, where they have no official recognition as a distinct religious identity. New questions regarding their identity and their aspiration to be seen as a political actor confront this ethno-religious group defined by common historical trauma, displacement, massacre, and finally emigration.


Author(s):  
Johannes Lindvall

This chapter introduces the problem of “reform capacity” (the ability of political decision-makers to adopt and implement policy changes that benefit society as a whole, by adjusting public policies to changing economic, social, and political circumstances). The chapter also reviews the long-standing discussion in political science about the relationship between political institutions and effective government. Furthermore, the chapter explains why the possibility of compensation matters greatly for the politics of reform; provides a precise definition of the concept of reform capacity; describes the book's general approach to this problem; and discusses the ethics of compensating losers from reform; and presents the book's methodological approach.


2021 ◽  
Vol 12 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Douglas Guilbeault ◽  
Damon Centola

AbstractThe standard measure of distance in social networks – average shortest path length – assumes a model of “simple” contagion, in which people only need exposure to influence from one peer to adopt the contagion. However, many social phenomena are “complex” contagions, for which people need exposure to multiple peers before they adopt. Here, we show that the classical measure of path length fails to define network connectedness and node centrality for complex contagions. Centrality measures and seeding strategies based on the classical definition of path length frequently misidentify the network features that are most effective for spreading complex contagions. To address these issues, we derive measures of complex path length and complex centrality, which significantly improve the capacity to identify the network structures and central individuals best suited for spreading complex contagions. We validate our theory using empirical data on the spread of a microfinance program in 43 rural Indian villages.


1982 ◽  
Vol 76 (4) ◽  
pp. 837-847 ◽  
Author(s):  
Robert P. Kraynak

Hobbes's history of the English Civil War, The Behemoth, has been neglected by contemporary scholars, yet it provides the clearest statement of the problem that Hobbes's political science is designed to solve. In Behemoth, Hobbes shows that societies such as seventeenth century England inevitably degenerate into civil war because they are founded on authoritative opinion. The claim that there is a single, authoritative definition of Tightness or truth which is not an arbitrary human choice is an illusion of “intellectual vainglory,” a feeling of pride in the superiority of one's opinions which causes persecution and civil strife. By presenting Hobbes's historical and psychological analysis of this problem, I illuminate his argument for absolutism and show that Hobbes is not a precursor of totalitarianism but a founder of liberalism.


2021 ◽  
Vol 19 (3) ◽  
pp. 143-175
Author(s):  
Aleksandra Kuczyńska-Zonik ◽  
Peteris F. Timofejevs

Over the last two decades, family law has undergone changes in Western Europe, widening the definition of marriage to include same-sex couples. In addition, some East European countries offer a legal recognition of civil unions of same-sex couples, while others do not offer any legal recognition at all. This diversity in family law has been recently challenged by developments at the European level. It is argued here that this constitutes an adaptational pressure on those European Union (EU) member states that do not offer any or offer only formal recognition of same-sex couples. We examine two cases when member states faced such an adaptational pressure, namely Estonia and Latvia, focusing on the interplay of two types of factors. First is that of formal institutions which, due to their constitutional role or their expertise in the EU law, may act as facilitators of legal changes. On the other hand, there are also political actors which have tried to constrain such an adaptation. We examine here especially the role of two political parties which have made a considerable effort to oppose the change in the two countries. It is argued here that the ideological orientation of these parties explains, at least partly, their opposition to the ongoing Europeanization of family law. The paper concludes with a discussion of the main findings and their implications.


Author(s):  
А. Mukasheva

The purpose of this article is to study one of the methods of social networks analysis – text sentiment analysis. Today, social media has become a big data base that social network analysis is used for various purposes – from setting up targeted advertising for a cosmetics store to preventing riots at the state level. There are various methods for analyzing social networks such as graph method, text sentiment analysis, audio, and video object analysis. Among them, sentiment analysis is widely used for political, social, consumer research, and also for cybersecurity. Since the analysis of the sentiment of the text involves the analysis of the emotional opinions expressed in the text, the first step is to define the term opinion. An opinion can be simple, that is, a positive, negative or neutral emotion towards a particular object or its aspect. Comparison is also an opinion, but devoid of emotional connotation. To work with simple opinions, the first task of text sentiment analysis is to classify the text. There are three levels of classifications: classification at the text level, at the level of a sentence, and at the aspect level of the object. After classifying the text at the desired level, the next task is to extract structured data from unstructured information. The problem can be solved using the five-tuple method. One of the important elements of a tuple is the aspect in which an opinion is usually expressed. Next, aspect-based sentiment analysis is applied, which involves identifying aspects of the desired object and assessing the polarity of mood for each aspect. This task is divided into two sub-tasks such as aspect extraction and aspect classification. Sentiment analysis has limitations such as the definition of sarcasm and difficulty of working with abbreviated words.


2018 ◽  
Vol 50 ◽  
pp. 01144
Author(s):  
Liudmila Reshetnikova

The article is devoted to e-diplomacy (also known as digital diplomacy) which is a component of public diplomacy. Digital diplomacy is a one of the new tools of foreign policy that is aimed to solve the problems of international and interethnic relations. The article examines the concept and definition of digital diplomacy that concentrates on the use of social networks and digital media in the field of foreign policy. Some risks and threats of e-diplomacy are also considered. The use of opportunities of information and communication technologies for solving the problems of foreign policy and influence on mass consciousness by means of the Internet, social networks is analyzed.


2020 ◽  
pp. 115-129
Author(s):  
Katarzyna Maciejewska-Mieszkowska

Television as a political actor in the social assessment by Poles Television, treated as one of political actors, is subject to social evaluation in terms of its credibility and trust. In the case of Polish audiovisual media, many years of surveys in the field show that in the last few years there have been fundamental changes in the perception of television broadcasts by Poles. This tendency should be associated with the dynamic transformations of the Polish political scene and the shaping of political preferences of the public. This publication aims to show changes in the assessment of television, taking into account the attitude of Poles towards political reality and their preferences in the use of specific sources of information.


Author(s):  
Nataliia Leonidivna Gavkalova ◽  
Oleg Yuriyovych Amosov

The vision of social transformations, which is a component of the stage of modernization of society, is presented. It is proposed to consider the influence of archetypes on social transformations through the formation of an archetypical and institutional mechanism for regulating socio-economic relations, which is proposed to be considered as an ordered set of institutional levers, incentives and measures aimed at ensuring the effective use of archetypes on the basis of a combination of factors of the micro- and macroeconomic environment by means of public administration. The emphasis is placed on the strengthening of the role of state and supra-national regulatory archetypical-institutional entities in the design of social transformations. Based on the existing theoretical and conceptual provisions for determining the content of the process of institutionalization of archetypes, it has been determined that the mechanism of regulation of institutional transformations of the national market should be considered in three main aspects, corresponding to the economic and social nature of the inter-subjective interaction of market participants. It is noted that the system-reflexive paradigm of regulation of the development and management of transformational changes of complex open socio-economic systems is based on the definition of the active nature of the influence of archetypes, subjects, as well as the reflexive procedures of their interaction, both on the choice of directions and ways of implementation, and on the dynamics of the flow of these processes. The composition of the main provisions that determine the feasibility of using a system of reflexive paradigm in the field of regulation of socio-economic relations, includes a set of assumptions. The main provisions defining the expediency of using the system-reflexive paradigm in the sphere of regulation of socio-economic relations are determined. It is established that the main institutional conflicts are manifestations of inconsistency between archetypes and elements of institutional environment.


2020 ◽  
Vol 14 (1) ◽  
pp. 73-87
Author(s):  
Nina Gorenc

The research behind this paper is set in the context of the 2016 US presidential election that has come to symbolize the post-truth era. We conducted a literature review on the 2016 election, with the aim to better understand the impact of computational propaganda on the election outcome and on the behaviour of voters. The paper opens with a definition of post-truth society and related concepts such as fake news and computational propaganda. It explores the changes of political communication in a digital environment and analyses the role of social media in the 2016 election. It probes into phenomena such as the trivialization of politics and the loss of credibility of political actors, which are both common in post-truth societies. The reviewed literature seems to indicate that social media have become strong actors on the political stage, but so far not the predominant source of political information and influence on the behaviour of voters. The paper makes two important contributions. Firstly, drawing on the concept of post-truth society, it analyses the role of computational propaganda in the 2016 presidential election, and secondly, it attempts to explain the paradox of general political apathy on one hand, and increased political activism on the other. These are some of the challenges we are now facing, and in order to be able to cope with them it is important to acknowledge and understand them.


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