Policy advisory committees: an operational view

Author(s):  
Michael Holland ◽  
Julia Lane

Advisory committees are part and parcel of policy-making in every government agency. Their input is used at many levels, ranging from high level strategic initiatives and planning to very specific input into narrowly defined decisions. This chapter describes an operational overview of the different approaches used by science agencies in the United States and documents the heterogeneous way in which they are used. It suggests that some of the principles that motivated the establishment of advisory committees are not always fully served in practice. It also finds that that the financial structure and incentives of some entities, might usefully be reviewed. The chapter concludes by observing that the structure of committees might be improved by developing a more scientific approach to their constitution.

2020 ◽  
Vol 4 (Supplement_1) ◽  
pp. 413-414
Author(s):  
Carlyn Vogel ◽  
Debra Dobbs ◽  
Brent Small

Abstract Spirituality is difficult to define as researchers assign it different meanings and individuals’ perceptions can vary. For example, spirituality may connect to religiosity, while others consider religiosity a less significant part of spirituality. This study investigates factors outside of religiosity that are significantly associated with spirituality to inform the characteristics of the concept. Webster’s (2004) existential framework of spirituality was used to guide variable selection. The National Survey of Midlife in the United States wave three (MIDUS 3; 2013-2014; n = 2,594; Mage = 63.5, SD = 11, range = 39–92) was used to examine individuals’ reported levels of spirituality. Multinomial logistic regression was conducted to examine factors related to low and high levels of spirituality compared to a moderate level. Participants with low spirituality were more likely to be male, less likely to be mindful, mediate/chant, feel a strong connection to all life, to indicate that they cannot make sense of the world, and to be religious. Participants with high spirituality were more likely to be female, have at least some college experience, be mindful, meditate/chant, feel deep inner peace, have a sense of deep appreciation, think that a sense of purpose is important for a good life, and have a high level of religiosity. Framed by Webster’s conceptual model, the current study observed that religiosity is significantly associated with spirituality and that other mindfulness-based aspects are also present within this concept. Incorporating mindfulness with religious efforts will more accurately and holistically address spirituality.


2021 ◽  
Vol 13 (9) ◽  
pp. 4861
Author(s):  
Marcin Bogdański

Differentiated response of selected economies to the global economic crisis caused by the collapse of the real estate market in the United States has drawn the attention of economists to the concept of economic resilience. At the same time, once again, it showed the importance of analysing and creating suitable conditions for sustainable development. Resilient economies are less exposed to the risk of economic crises or slowdowns, which is vital for ensuring stable incomes and high level of living standards. Therefore, the presented analysis was aimed at evaluating the level of economic resilience of provincial cities in Poland in relation to the situation on their labour markets. For this purposes, selected measures of the variation in the distribution feature (e.g., coefficient of variation) and the degree of structure diversification of the examined feature (Amemiya’s index) were used. Subsequently, using correlation analysis, the research determined whether any relationships could be observed between the investigated variables. The results of the research indicate that for provincial cities sub-regions in Poland, a statistically significant, moderate negative correlation could be observed between the degree of employment structure diversification in 2009 and the scale and scope of the collapse in the number of employed persons in subsequent years. This suggests that a high level of employment diversification restricted the level of economic resilience in this case.


2012 ◽  
Vol 25 (1) ◽  
pp. 149-156
Author(s):  
PAUL S. REICHLER

AbstractThe Nicaragua case demonstrates the Court's competence in receiving and interpreting evidence, and in making reasoned findings of fact, even in the most complicated evidentiary context, as is often presented in cases involving use of force and armed conflict. The Court applied well-established standards for evaluating the conflicting evidence presented to it. In particular, the Court determined that greater weight should be given to statements against interest made by high-level government officials than to a state's self-serving declarations. The Court also determined that statements by disinterested witnesses with first-hand knowledge should receive greater weight than mere statements of opinion or press reports. In applying these guidelines, the Court found, correctly, that (i) the United States had used military and paramilitary force against Nicaragua both directly and indirectly, by organizing, financing, arming, and training the Contra guerrillas to attack Nicaragua; (ii) the evidence did not support a finding that the United States exercised direct control over the Contras’ day-to-day operations; and (iii) there was no evidence that Nicaragua supplied arms to guerrillas fighting against the government of El Salvador during the relevant period, or carried out an armed attack against that state. While Judge Schwebel's dissent criticized the last of these findings, in fact, the evidence fully supported the Court's conclusion. In subsequent decisions during the past 25 years, the Court has continued to rely on the approach to evidence first elaborated in the Nicaragua case and has continued to demonstrate its competence as a finder of fact, including in cases involving armed conflict (Bosnia Genocide) and complex scientific and technical issues (Pulp Mills).


1996 ◽  
Vol 40 (4) ◽  
pp. 891-894 ◽  
Author(s):  
G V Doern ◽  
M J Ferraro ◽  
A B Brueggemann ◽  
K L Ruoff

Three hundred fifty-two blood culture isolates of viridans group streptococci obtained from 43 U.S. medical centers during 1993 and 1994 were characterized. Included were 48 isolates of "Streptococcus milleri," 219 S. mitis isolates, 29 S. salivarius isolates, and 56 S. sanguis isolates. High-level penicillin resistance (MIC, > or = 4.0 micrograms/ml) was noted among 13.4% of the strains; for 42.9% of the strains, penicillin MICs were 0.25 to 2.0 micrograms/ml (i.e., intermediate resistance). In general, amoxicillin was slightly more active than penicillin. The rank order of activity for five cephalosporins versus viridans group streptococci was cefpodoxime = ceftriaxone > cefprozil = cefuroxime > cephalexin. The percentages of isolates resistant (MIC, > or = 2 micrograms/ml) to these agents were 15, 17, 18, 20, and 96, respectively. The rates of resistance to erythromycin, tetracycline, and trimethoprim-sulfamethoxazole were 12 to 38%. Resistance to either chloramphenicol or ofloxacin was uncommon (i.e., < 1%). In general, among the four species, S. mitis was the most resistant and "S. milleri" was the most susceptible.


2000 ◽  
Vol 30 (1) ◽  
pp. 173-191 ◽  
Author(s):  
JAMES C. GARAND ◽  
MARCI GLASCOCK LICHTL

In recent years the study of divided government has been a growth industry. Numerous scholars have sought to explain patterns of divided government in the United States, while others have attempted to explore the consequences of the phenomenon. No doubt this scholarly interest in the subject is due in large part to the attention paid by the political media to divided control of the presidency and Congress during the 1980s, as well as the resulting ’gridlock‘ that dominated policy making in Washington during that time period.


2004 ◽  
Vol 33 (2) ◽  
pp. 36-50 ◽  
Author(s):  
KATHLEEN CHRISTISON

Despite an array of formulas for peace put forth during his administration, President Bush and his policy-making team have been almost totally uninterested in involving the United States in any serious effort to resolve the Palestinian-Israeli conflict. The quick demise of all peace initiatives——each of which succumbed to the administration's focus on terrorism rather than on Israel's occupation as the root of the conflict——is testimony to the Bush team's near total identification with Israel's interests. This article examines the Bush administration's bias toward Israel and the factors influencing that approach: Bush's own willful ignorance of the situation on the ground and lack of concern for Palestinian grievances, his apparent personal rapport with Ariel Sharon, and the strong domestic political pressures on him, including from the pro-Israel lobby, Congress, neoconservatives, and the fundamentalist Christian lobby. All these factors combine to make any U.S. pressures on Israel highly unlikely.


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