scholarly journals Sudden stop: When did firms anticipate the potential consequences of COVID-19?

2021 ◽  
Vol 0 (0) ◽  
Author(s):  
Lukas Buchheim ◽  
Carla Krolage ◽  
Sebastian Link

Abstract COVID-19 hit firms by surprise. In a high frequency, representative panel of German firms, the business outlook declined and business uncertainty increased only at the time when the spread of the COVID-19 pandemic led to domestic policy changes: The announcement of nation-wide school closures on March 13 was followed by the largest change in business perceptions by far. In contrast, the data provides no evidence for the relevance of other potential sources of information on business perceptions: Firms did not learn from foreign policy measures, even if they relied on inputs from China or Italy. The local, county-level spread of COVID-19 cases affected expectations and uncertainty, albeit to a much lesser extent than the domestic policy changes.

1974 ◽  
Vol 68 (3) ◽  
pp. 1192-1197 ◽  
Author(s):  
David W. Moore

This paper compares the research on the determinants of domestic policy outcomes, primarily in American state governments, with similar research in the area of foreign policy. Using seven foreign policy measures, it then tests a hypothesis based on Cutright's cross-national analysis of social insurance programs, that political representativeness is more important in accounting for policy outcomes among developed than among undeveloped nations. Finally, it suggests what implications the reported findings may have on empirical democratic theory.


Author(s):  
David M. Webber

Having mapped out in the previous chapter, New Labour’s often contradictory and even ‘politically-convenient’ understanding of globalisation, chapter 3 offers analysis of three key areas of domestic policy that Gordon Brown would later transpose to the realm of international development: (i) macroeconomic policy, (ii) business, and (iii) welfare. Since, according to Brown at least, globalisation had resulted in a blurring of the previously distinct spheres of domestic and foreign policy, it made sense for those strategies and policy decisions designed for consumption at home to be transposed abroad. The focus of this chapter is the design of these three areas of domestic policy; the unmistakeable imprint of Brown in these areas and their place in building of New Labour’s political economy. Strikingly, Brown’s hand in these policies and the themes that underpinned them would again reappear in the international development policies explored in much greater detail later in the book.


2018 ◽  
Vol 11 (1-2) ◽  
pp. 257-278 ◽  
Author(s):  
Shirzad Azad

In spite of her troubled presidency at home and premature, ignominious exit from power, Park Geun-hye made serious attempts to bolster the main direction of the Republic of Korea’s (ROK) foreign policy toward the Middle East. A collaborative drive for accomplishing a new momentous boom was by and large a dominant and recurring theme in the Park government’s overall approach to the region. Park enjoyed both personal motivation as well as politico-economic justifications to push for such arduous yet potentially viable objective. Although the ROK’s yearning for a second boom in the Middle East was not ultimately accomplished under the Park presidency, nonetheless, the very aspiration played a crucial role in either rekindling or initiating policy measures in South Korea’s orientation toward different parts of a greater Middle East region, extending from the Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC) to Morocco.


2021 ◽  
Vol 11 (1) ◽  
pp. 27-55
Author(s):  
Paul Hansbury

Abstract After 2014 the relationship between Russia and its ally Belarus was strained. Russia was dissatisfied with Belarus’s foreign policy and sought to influence the latter’s international affairs. This article considers the extent of change and continuity in Belarus’s foreign policy, and thus whether Russia’s criticisms reflect consequential shifts, covering the period 2016–2019. The analysis begins with the removal of EU sanctions, which afforded Belarus new opportunities, and ends before the protest movement that emerged ahead of the election in 2020. The study considers three policy areas: international trade; diplomacy more broadly; and foreign policy concerns for prestige. The article argues that Belarus made appreciable policy changes in response to structural pressures in the period 2016–2019, but the parameters of these foreign policy shifts were necessarily highly constrained by domestic interest group competition which prevents Belarus distancing itself from Russia. It concludes with a brief reflection on how the 2020 election protests and repressions affect the dynamics described.


2018 ◽  
Vol 146 (11) ◽  
pp. 3845-3872 ◽  
Author(s):  
Nicholas A. Gasperoni ◽  
Xuguang Wang ◽  
Keith A. Brewster ◽  
Frederick H. Carr

Abstract The Nationwide Network of Networks (NNoN) concept was introduced by the National Research Council to address the growing need for a national mesoscale observing system and the continued advancement toward accurate high-resolution numerical weather prediction. The research test bed known as the Dallas–Fort Worth (DFW) Urban Demonstration Network was created to experiment with many kinds of mesoscale observations that could be used in a data assimilation system. Many nonconventional observations, including Earth Networks and Citizen Weather Observer Program surface stations, are combined with conventional operational data to form the test bed network. A principal component of the NNoN effort is the quantification of observation impact from several different sources of information. In this study, the GSI-based EnKF system was used together with the WRF-ARW Model to examine impacts of observations assimilated for forecasting convection initiation (CI) in the 3 April 2014 hail storm case. Data denial experiments tested the impact of high-frequency (5 min) assimilation of nonconventional data on the timing and location of CI and subsequent storm evolution. Results showed nonconventional observations were necessary to capture details in the dryline structure causing localized enhanced convergence and leading to CI. Diagnosis of denial-minus-control fields showed the cumulative influence each observing network had on the resulting CI forecast. It was found that most of this impact came from the assimilation of thermodynamic observations in sensitive areas along the dryline gradient. Accurate metadata were found to be crucial toward the future application of nonconventional observations in high-resolution assimilation and forecast systems.


2019 ◽  
Vol 3 (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
Wim Tohari Daniealdi

 This study is aimed to analyze Indonesia’s foreign policy changes toward Iranian nuclear issue in The United Nations Security Council (UNSC) from 2007 to 2008. The Iranian nuclear issue became international focus when UNSC in 2006 decided the future of Iranian nuclear program. Nuclear proliferation’s threat was debated in UNSC due to a new nuclear program launched by Iranian President Mahmoud Ahmadinejad to build nuclear arsenal as soon as possible. As a non-permanent member of UNSC, Indonesia should participate in any decision within two years whether to support, abstain or to reject any resolutions decided. The research used qualitative method with a case study type. Data was collected based on qualitative method through literature study and interviews in order to gain understanding why the changes occurred in Indonesia’s foreign policy with domestic and international factors as consideration. The research concluded that Indonesia’s foreign police changes was on international pressure to support new sanction on Iranian nuclear program in 2007. Indonesia’s policy was criticized in domestic. After domestic pressure, Indonesia finally took abstain policy in a new resolution on Iran nuclear in UNSC on March 2008. In other words the Indonesian foreign policy changes can be classified in adjustment changes to appease domestic pressure and in the same time to avoid confrontation with major powers interests.


2020 ◽  
Vol 27 (3) ◽  
pp. 168-177
Author(s):  
Noorika Retno Widuri

Corona Virus Disease 2019 (COVID-19) pandemic that hits Indonesia makes leading Indonesian government take policy measures by launching regulations in implementation procedures within government agencies. LIPI issued a circular to promote Increasing Awareness and Prevention of Spreading of COVID-19 Infection within LIPI’s offices environment. The LIPI Scientific Documentation and Data Center (PDDI) received this mandate to carry out and regulate the policy for carrying out official duties at home (WFH). This paper aims to describe the implementation of the policy of carrying out official duties at home (WFH) for librarians in the PDDI LIPI. Implementation of this policy shows that as an implementing institution unit, PDDI follows up on the policy by issuing work from home assignments with provisions that refer to the circular of the head of LIPI. The target group in this policy is librarians in LIPI. This paper applies descriptive writing with quantitative data approach. The results of this study indicate that principally, the objectives of this policy have been achieved. The target group optimally carries out official duties at home. The survei shows that the target group has implemented the policy in accordance with the direction of LIPI Chairman. The communication pattern and interaction between the policy implementer and the elements implementing the policy are relatively good, so that the policy can be implemented as expected. Communication media is very flexible and not rigid, information related to policies, policy changes are conveyed through the WhatsApp group communication channel so that librarians can immediately receive the policy information. In this policy implementation model, the implementing organization minimizes the factors that make this policy not properly implemented, namely by arranging picket schedules, providing official vehicles for those who do not have private vehicles and lending work facilities to be brought home.


Author(s):  
Gregorio Bettiza

The conclusion has two main objectives. The first is to show how the International Religious Freedom, Faith-Based Foreign Aid, Muslim and Islamic Interventions, and Religious Engagement regimes form a broader American foreign policy regime complex on religion. The second objective is to reflect on the book’s wider implications for the study of religion in international relations and highlight areas for further research. This includes assessing the strength of the book’s theoretical framework in light of ongoing developments under the Trump administration; understanding better the changes occurring to the religious traditions and actors that America draws from and intervenes in around the world; investigating further how the American experience with the operationalization of religion in foreign policy relates and compares to similar policy changes taking place elsewhere; and reflecting more broadly on the implications for international order of the growing systematic attempt by the United States to manage and mobilize religion in twenty-first-century world politics.


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