scholarly journals Implicit persuasion of voters in the 2012 Slovak republic parliamentary elections

2016 ◽  
Vol 16 (3) ◽  
pp. 221-243 ◽  
Author(s):  
Lukáš Cíbik

Abstract The aim of the article is to see the degree of implicit position and value correlation between the voters of particular political parties in Slovakia (SMER-SD, SaS, and SDKÚ-DS). The free association method is supposed to reveal implicit purposes of individual political issues, beliefs and values in the eyes of their voters. Social representations, public discourse and implicit purposes objectified and anchored in civil society by the political elites are obtained by the discrete association method. The focus is held on the importance of political discourse for the voters to take note in the decision-making process in the election to the Parliament of the Slovak Republic in 2012.

Author(s):  
Peter Horváth ◽  
Erik Urc

The subject of this article is the analysis of the 2020 parliamentary elections in the Slovak Republic from the point of view of the regional success of individual political entities. The authors refer the strong and weak areas of support for individual political parties, which gained more than five percent of the votes on a nationwide scale. As the Slovak Republic is considered as single constituency in the parliamentary elections, the results themselves do not literally indicate the areas with the strongest or weakest voter support. It is interesting to observe the extent of influence of the residence of the electoral leader, the ethnic composition of the population or the religiosity on the electoral behaviour. Equally interesting is the observation of the stability of electoral preferences, as we have witnessed largely different results in the 2020 parliamentary elections compared to the 2019 elections (presidential elections, as well as the European Parliament elections). Key words: parliamentary elections, Slovak Republic, electoral gain, National Council of the Slovak Republic, regions.


Author(s):  
Ivana Imreová

This article has two main objectives. The first is to reveal, on the basis of parliamentary debate on Kosovo, how political elites in Slovakia perceive conditions for legitimate statehood. The second is to describe and explain the perception and impact of the “Kosovo issue” on the Slovak political scene. Discourse analysis of parliamentary debate on Kosovo´s future is used as the primary analytical tool to accomplish both objectives. The following three characteristics of legitimate statehood are identified in the arguments of six parliamentary political parties: accordance of the creation of a new state with international law, the willingness and capability of a new state to ensure the protection of people´s rights within its territory, and a further group of conditions for legitimate statehood which are closely tied to the identity of both the new and parent states. In Slovakia, the perception of the Kosovo issue has always been emotive, and this fact can help us to see ethnicity as one of the main factors influencing the outcome of the parliamentary discourse, as well as the overall attitude of the Slovak Republic towards Kosovo. Ethnicity explains the Slovak approach better than the Slavic reciprocity principle, the existence of which was not proven in this study.


2018 ◽  
Vol 33 (1) ◽  
pp. 17-43 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ben Stanley

This paper uses a new set of questions to analyse the impact of populist attitudes on party preferences and voting behaviour in the 2015 Polish parliamentary elections. At these elections, voters faced a choice between two broad blocs: parties that accepted the “liberal-orthodox” model of post-communist politics, and those that rejected this model and the political elites associated with its implementation. I find that there is a coherent set of populist attitudes among the Polish electorate, and that it correlates with economic and cultural attitudes in ways consistent with the supply-side divide between liberal and anti-liberal parties. Analysis of the individual and combined impact of these attitudes on voting behaviour reveals that populism plays a significant role both in structuring the sentiments of voters towards particular kinds of political parties and in determining how they cast their vote.


Author(s):  
Guillén Torres ◽  
Richard Rogers

The research enquires into the susceptibility of Google’s search engine to provide users with questionable information when querying political parties and their issues during the run-up to the Dutch provincial and European parliamentary elections. Which rankings has the search engine assigned to problematic sources when querying political parties and their issues? Are there particular political issues and party spaces where these sources are prevalent or entirely absent? Do the ranks and amounts increase as the elections draw near? In all, it was found that hyperpartisan sources are rather pervasive in the search-demarcated political space, but far more so for certain actors and their issues on the far right of the political spectrum.


2019 ◽  
Vol 35 (40) ◽  
pp. 30-43
Author(s):  
Dovilė Vengalienė

[full article and abstract in English] The present article is an attempt to examine the metaphoric models of ironic assessment employed in politicized public discourse in Lithuania. The examination follows the implications of the Blending theory (Fauconnier & Turner 2002), and discusses the topicality of the dominant metaphoric patterns in online newspaper headlines and commentaries, as well as in a number of posters the political parties of Lithuania prepared for the electoral campaign. The database of 200 newspaper headlines, comments, and posters allowed to identify dominant references to political issues in terms of sport, miracles, family, business and crime. Furthermore, the analysis has shown that attention should be drawn to aspects of social cognition and culture as they appear to be an integral part of the blending structure and are crucial in successful transmission of both the intended message and the evaluative attitude. Metaphors in the mode of irony follow a double-scope conceptual integration network, as the final blend comprises not only the elements of the two input spaces of the employed metaphor but also the elements of our background knowledge.


2021 ◽  
Vol 15 (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
Tomáš HARMAŇOŠ ◽  
Martin PLEŠIVČÁK

The main aim of the paper is to identify the success rate in time and space of political parties with a more conservative electorate and those with a more liberal voters in Slovakia based on the results of parliamentary elections in the last twenty years and to conduct a subsequent correlation analysis of selected socioeconomic parameters (urbanisation rate, registered unemployment rate, the share of persons over 65 years of age, the share of persons with religious faith and share of university-educated persons) and the spatial distribution of conservative or liberal voters. We identify the success rate of parties with a more conservative or more liberal electorate at the level of the Slovak Republic as a whole, as well as in its regions and districts, in the parliamentary elections from 2002 onward, while also evaluating the issue through the spatially disaggregated results of the referendum on the family (2015). Based on statistical analysis, liberal vote rs in Slovakia are more notably concentrated in urban areas, particularly in districts with a lower level of unemployment, a higher share of people with a university education and non-religious residents. On the other hand, conservative voters are more evenly distributed throughout the country, and in their case, the highest statistical association identified among the monitored socioeconomic indicators related to the share of the population professing a certain religion. The highest summary statistical dependence among the examined variables in terms of the conservative-liberal conflict line was identified for indicators of the degree of urbanisation, the share of persons without religious confession and the share of university-educated people. It seems, given the current social situation opening up the liberal or secular ideas, that in the future the conflict of conservative and liberal values represented by specific parties and a significant number of voters in political struggle will become more significant, and not only in post-socialist countries. All the more important will be such studies, e.g. also in the context of setting up appropriate political marketing and effective election campaigns of political parties.


Author(s):  
Mark Bovens ◽  
Anchrit Wille

How can we remedy some of the negative effects of diploma democracy? First, we discuss the rise of nationalist parties. They have forced the mainstream political parties to pay more attention to the negative effects of immigration, globalization, and European unification. Next we discuss strategies to mitigate the dominance of the well-educated in politics. We start with remedies that address differences in political skills and knowledge. Then we discuss the deliberative arenas. Many democratic reforms contain an implicit bias towards the well-educated. A more realistic citizenship model is required. This can be achieved by bringing the ballot back in, for example, by merging deliberative and more direct forms of democracy through deliberative polling, corrective referendums, and more compulsory voting. The chapter ends with a discussion of ways to make the political elites more inclusive and responsive, such as descriptive representation, sortition, and plebiscitary elements.


2020 ◽  
Vol 11 (1) ◽  
pp. 62-71
Author(s):  
Melissa Chakars

This article examines the All-Buryat Congress for the Spiritual Rebirth and Consolidation of the Nation that was held in the Buryat Autonomous Soviet Socialist Republic in February 1991. The congress met to discuss the future of the Buryats, a Mongolian people who live in southeastern Siberia, and to decide on what actions should be taken for the revival, development, and maintenance of their culture. Widespread elections were carried out in the Buryat lands in advance of the congress and voters selected 592 delegates. Delegates also came from other parts of the Soviet Union, as well as from Mongolia and China. Government administrators, Communist Party officials, members of new political parties like the Buryat-Mongolian People’s Party, and non-affiliated individuals shared their ideas and political agendas. Although the congress came to some agreement on the general goals of promoting Buryat traditions, language, religions, and culture, there were disagreements about several of the political and territorial questions. For example, although some delegates hoped for the creation of a larger Buryat territory that would encompass all of Siberia’s Buryats within a future Russian state, others disagreed revealing the tension between the desire to promote ethnic identity and the practical need to consider economic and political issues.


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