scholarly journals Parliamentary Elections in Bulgaria

2021 ◽  
Vol 20 (2) ◽  
pp. 71-77
Author(s):  
Pavel Kandel ◽  
Keyword(s):  
Public Opinion ◽  
The Political ◽  
National Assembly ◽  
Parliamentary Elections ◽  
Current Regime ◽  
Political Cycle ◽  
The Subject ◽  
New Generation

The subject of this paper is the 2021 Bulgarian election to the National Assembly, which in fact turned into an electoral revolution. It scrutinizes its outcomes along with the reasons for the failure of all existing parties and the success of political newcomers. It considers the “stalemate” alignment of forces of an extremely fragmented parliament and forecasts possible developments. It resumes that the end of the ten-year tenure of Boyko Borisov was enforced by the new generation of the electorate that did not see life prospects under the current regime. The entry into politics of the showman Slavi Trifonov as a next idol of public opinion, is consistent with similar processes in neighboring countries and replicates the political cycle already observed twice in Bulgaria. This experience prompts caution in assessing the chances of a genuine renewal of the system of governance under new leadership.

“PURGING THE ELITE” IN TYUMEN IN 1937-1938

2021 ◽  
Vol 7 (2) ◽  
pp. 182-192
Author(s):  
Anatoly A. KONONENKO ◽  
Artem A. Kononenko
Keyword(s):  
Comprehensive Analysis ◽  
The Political ◽  
Party Organization ◽  
Collective Leadership ◽  
Effect Relationship ◽  
Security Service ◽  
The Subject ◽  
New Generation ◽  
Structural Methods ◽  
The City

The political repressions of the 1930s in the USSR have repeatedly been the subject of interest of historians. Nevertheless, there are practically no studies of political repressions of the 1930s in relation to nomenklatura workers at the level of the provincial Siberian city of Tyumen. This article aims to reveal the cause-and-effect relationship in the issue of physical liquidation of the thinnest layer of the party-economic nomenklatura, using the case of the city party organization of the CPSU(b) of Tyumen in 1937-1938. We have restricted ourselves to one of the components of the “Great Terror”, namely to “purging the elite”. The research was conducted using the documents from two regional departments of the USSR Federal Security Service (FSB), former party archives of the Tyumen and Omsk regions, and periodicals. This required employing prosopographic, comparative-historical, problem-chronological, and system-structural methods. Such approach allowed clarifying the biographical data of the leaders of the city in 1936-1938 and classifying the criminal acts, incriminated to the accused. The results of a comprehensive analysis of the sources show that the cause of the personnel purge should be considered a violation of the imbalance between the limited collective leadership and the still limited one-man dictatorship of I. V. Stalin’s dictatorship. The limited collective leadership was no longer in line with the reality of one man’s increasing power. Rotation of undesirable workers as an alternative to personnel cleansing proved to be unsuccessful. The motive for repressions against workers who had never participated in the opposition was their casual contacts and acquaintances with former opposition figures described as “spies and terrorists” in 1937-1938. The party, Soviet, and Komsomol workers who had no such contacts, though subjected to repression, were rehabilitated. Finally, in terms of their educational and professional level, the new generation of city party workers did not differ from the previous one.

scholarly journals DELEGATIVE DEMOCRACY: CONCEPTS AND UKRAINIAN REALITIES

2020 ◽  
Keyword(s):  
State Power ◽  
Democratic Governance ◽  
Political Regime ◽  
The Political ◽  
Development Trends ◽  
Parliamentary Elections ◽  
Democratic Development ◽  
Current Regime ◽  
Foreign Policies

This paper is devoted to clarifying the essence of the political regime that emerged in Ukraine as a result of the 2019 presidential and parliamentary elections. The author concludes that the current political regime in Ukraine is a classic example of delegative democracy, as it emerged as a result free, competitive and transparent elections, but after the election all state power was concentrated in the hands of the president, with significant violations of generally accepted standards of democratic of governance and norms and procedures of Ukrainian legislation. He emphasizes that the value of the concept of delegative democracy lies in the fact that it illustrates one of the contradictions in the democratic development of many countries that lack democratic traditions – the contradiction between the electoral legitimacy of government and generally accepted standards of democratic governance. Delegative democracies are by its nature the populist regimes, the emergence of which is caused by the belief of citizens in improving their lives under the leadership of a charismatic person. It is noted that delegative regime as a result of growing public dissatisfaction with both its domestic and foreign policies are democracy has three development trends: 1) comparable endurance; 2) the transformation to autocracy; 3) the removal of the president from power as a result of subsequent elections or mass protests. The author believes that all these alternatives can theoretically be inherent in the current regime of delegative democracy in Ukraine, but the endurance is the least likely of them. The transformation of delegative democracy into autocracy or the elimination of the Zelensky regime as a result of growing public dissatisfaction with both its domestic and foreign policies are more likely.

scholarly journals Ukrainian Policy to Find Solution of the Crisis in Donbass: The Path Effect

2020 ◽  
pp. 37-45
Author(s):  
E. Solov’ev
Keyword(s):  
Political History ◽  
The Political ◽  
Economic Base ◽  
Parliamentary Elections ◽  
Political Preferences ◽  
The People ◽  
Political Cycle ◽  
History Of

2019 was considered by many analysts as a kind of milestone. V.Zelenskiy and his party “Servant of the People” won an unconditional victory on the presidential and parliamentary elections and, as it seemed, launched not only a new political cycle, but also a new stage in the political history of Ukraine. V.Zelenskiy for some time had almost unlimited political potential. It seemed that among decisions of many problems the prerequisites were created for finding solutions to the Donbass conflict. However, the political rating of the president demonstrated rapid erosion. Zelenskiy, who come to power riding the populist wave, haven’t a strong and stable political and economic base in the country and clear political preferences. So, under the pressure of the nationalistic groups he is moving in the direction laid by P.Poroshenko in attempts to manage the Donbass conflict, demonstrating a classic example of the “path effect”.

scholarly journals Oswajanie populizmu. Scena polityczna Królestwa Niderlandów po 2015 roku

2020 ◽  
Vol 48 (1) ◽  
pp. 125-144
Author(s):  
Ryszard Żelichowski
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
The Netherlands ◽  
Political System ◽  
The Political ◽  
Right Wing ◽  
Parliamentary Elections ◽  
Mass Influx ◽  
Migration Crisis ◽  
New Generation ◽  
Political Scene

The mass influx of immigrants to Europe in 2015 shook the foundations of the political system of the Kingdom of the Netherlands. The concept of populism dominated the political discourse related to various concepts of how to solve this problem. After the death of Pim Fortuyn and Theo van Gogh, two politicians using harsh anti-immigrant rhetoric and murdered by Islamic fanatics, a new generation of right-wing populist activists appeared on the political scene of the Kingdom of the Netherlands. Two of them, Geert Wilders and Thierry Baudet, run their own political parties and are increasingly successful. The Freedom Party of Geert Wilders became the second strongest party in the Kingdom of the Netherlands and the Forum for Democracy party founded by Thierry Baudet won two seats in the Second Chamber of Parliament in the 2017 election.The author of this article focuses on both these politicians and their party programmes. He argues that the culmination of populism in Europe, which fell between the peak of the 2015 migration crisis and the 2017 parliamentary elections, has changed the attitude of leading politicians to this concept. Populism has been ‘permanently’ appearing in salons. The thesis of ‘good’ populism, proclaimed by Prime Minister Mark Rutte, indicates its inclusion in the arsenal of political means also used by liberals to defend a democratic order.

scholarly journals Parliamentary Elections in Bulgaria and Moldova. Take 2

2021 ◽  
Vol 22 (4) ◽  
pp. 30-36
Author(s):  
Pavel Kandel ◽  
Keyword(s):  
Political Crisis ◽  
The Political ◽  
Election Campaigns ◽  
Intermediate Result ◽  
Political Class ◽  
Parliamentary Elections ◽  
The Subject ◽  
The Government ◽  
The Masses

The subject of the article is repeat parliamentary elections in two countries by mere chance run on the same date. The external parallels of both election campaigns, such as the low turnout and the importance of voters from abroad, the continuing relevance of the agenda of toplevel corruption, the electoral failure of the socialists in both rounds are striking, and are scrutinized in the article. However, the outcomes of the campaigns are very different. In Bulgaria, even the second attempt to renew the government and the political class ended with an uncertain intermediate result, and its main triumphant Slavi Trifonov’s standing is far from looking encouraging. The success of the new counter-elite force and its leader is not promising to end the political crisis and is remindful of the previous scenarios already seen twice in Bulgaria: the unexpected rise of political psychics and the subsequent shift of sympathies to the next idol of the masses. In Moldova, the renovators succeeded in consolidating their grip on power and securing impressive credit of popular trust thus making a credible step towards implementation of their promises. It remains to keep track of who will be more successful.

scholarly journals Presidential Elections in Moldova and Parliamentary Elections in Romania

2020 ◽  
pp. 59-65
Author(s):  
Pavel Kandel ◽  
Keyword(s):  
Democratic Party ◽  
Presidential Elections ◽  
Balance Of Power ◽  
The Political ◽  
Social Democratic Party ◽  
Election Campaigns ◽  
Special Significance ◽  
Parliamentary Elections ◽  
The Social ◽  
Political Cycle

The topic of the article indicated in the title is considered outside the historical and cultural ties of two neighboring states, which both make them related and at the same time contrast them. Purely external parallels are easy to draw: low turnout and special significance of votes from the diaspora in both cases, high relevance of the topic of government corruption of power in election campaigns, relative failure of the socialists in both elections. Moreover, there is a noticeable mutual training of the elites and the use of each other’s experience. But а concrete analysis shows that the outcome of the elections was decisively influenced by the balance of power in each of these countries. Their outcome is also not identical. In Romania, power will almost certainly be formed without the Social Democratic Party, although it retained the largest faction in parliament. In Moldova, the political cycle is not over yet. Only after the expected early parliamentary elections will it become clear: who, with whom, and on what terms will share the power.

scholarly journals The trouble of gender sin in post-Yugoslav film – in the name of the father

2018 ◽  
Vol 23 (32) ◽  
Author(s):  
Maja Bogojević
Keyword(s):  
Public Opinion ◽  
Political Context ◽  
Full Length ◽  
Female Character ◽  
Feature Films ◽  
Cultural Domination ◽  
The Subject ◽  
Yugoslav Wars ◽  
Post War ◽  
New Generation

Post-Yugoslav film art is, similarly to Yugoslav cinema, exemplary of masculine cultural domination, approaching socio-national themes in a highly gendered mode and reflecting a return to patriarchy, more brutal than that during the existence of Yugoslavia. A new generation of cinéasts explores, with a backlash mixture of contempt and compassion, the themes of violence, displaying a new assault on female emancipation, which seemed to be in line with the socio-political context of rising nationalist movements that led to the bloody events of the Yugoslav war in 1991. The female character is re-located to a place traditionally assigned to women not as the subject of narrative or discourse, but as the object of love and/or hatred by a masculine subject. The films chosen to be analysed here are full-length auteur feature films – Virgina, Grbavica, Djeca, Bure baruta, with a specific focus on the work by Danis Tanović – are not representative of post-Yugoslav cinema, but as rare exceptions demonstrate that, contrary to the dominant post-Yugoslav public opinion, both the Yugoslav wars and post-war traumatic realities remain cinematically unexplored.

scholarly journals Zespół rzeczników Platformy Obywatelskiej jako nawiązanie do brytyjskiej instytucji gabinetu cieni

2021 ◽  
Vol 19 (2) ◽  
pp. 120-137
Author(s):  
Dominik Szczepański ◽  
Keyword(s):  
Public Support ◽  
External Environment ◽  
The Political ◽  
Parliamentary Elections ◽  
The Subject ◽  
The Creation ◽  
Subsequent Activity

The aim of this article was to analyze the factors that influenced the creation and subsequent activity of the Civic Platform Spokesperson Team in the years 2006–2007. The subject of research was also the genesis of the institution of the Shadow Cabinet and presentation of circumstances surrounding the creation of the Civic Platform. The author's research intention was also to provide answers to the following questions: did the Team of Spokespersons contribute to an increase in public support for Civic Platform in the early parliamentary elections of 2007; did the activity of the Civic Platform's Shadow Cabinet improve the organisation of the political party's communication activities with its external environment, and did it lead to an increase in its advantage over its competitors?

Ein Ende mit Schrecken – Frankreich nach den Wahlen

2017 ◽  
Vol 47 (188) ◽  
pp. 495-504 ◽  
Author(s):  
Felix Syrovatka
Keyword(s):  
Political System ◽  
Political Support ◽  
The Political ◽  
Parliamentary Elections ◽  
Political Situation ◽  
Economic Transformations ◽  
Crisis Of Representation ◽  
Election Results ◽  
Deep Crisis

The presidential and parliamentary elections were a political earthquake for the French political system. While the two big parties experienced massive losses of political support, the rise of new political formations took place. Emmanuel Macron is not only the youngest president of the V. Republic so far, he is also the first president not to be supported by either one of the two biggest parties. This article argues that the election results are an expression of a deep crisis of representation in France that is rooted in the economic transformations of the 1970s. The article analyses the political situation after the elections and tries to give an outlook on further political developments in France.

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