scholarly journals Establishment of the All-day School in Lithuania: An Institutional Analysis

2020 ◽  
Vol 44 ◽  
pp. 45-61
Author(s):  
Asta Dilytė ◽  
Daiva Skučienė ◽  
Eugenijus Dunajevas

The traditional model of general education organization, which focuses only on the provision of human capital as a guarantor of welfare, cannot effectively achieve this goal without removing other barriers to the child’s development (OECD 2016). The acquisition of human capital also significantly depends on a person’s social and cultural capital. In addition to its traditional functions, a school can also provide social and cultural capital by providing a space for the interaction of various social networks, promotion of new ideas and cultural diversity, and the involvement of social partners in school activities (Healy 2001). An all-day school is one of the tools to provide children with social and cultural capital. Despite the existing disparities between a pupil’s achievement and the low level of their social and cultural capital (Shleider 2018), all-day schools are not widespread.According to John Elster (2000), the actions of an organization are determined firstly by opportunities and then by interests. Opportunities are determined by economic, institutional, and psychological constraints. The aim of this study is to analyze the institutional limitations of establishing an all-day school. Elinor Ostrom (2009) argues that the whole set of institutions that determine the situation of action (in our case, the establishment or non-establishment of an all-day school) can be divided into 7 groups: boundaries, positions, choices, aggregation, information, potential outcomes, and payoff institutions. The institutional limitations of all-day school establishment were analyzed in the study using a qualitative content analysis of documents on the principle of axial coding, distinguishing subcategories and categories. The results of the study showed that institutional constraints do not limit access to an all-day school, but there is a high concentration of power, lack of accountability for service quality, and parental costs that may limit access to services for children from lower-income families with the greatest social and economic disadvantages.

2009 ◽  
Vol 25 (4) ◽  
Author(s):  
Jaap de Koning ◽  
Olivier Tanis ◽  
José Gravesteijn-Ligthelm

What determines the success that ethnic minorities have in the labour market? What determines the success that ethnic minorities have in the labour market? Ethnic minorities hold a much stronger position in the labour market nowadays than they used to some time ago. This improvement started in the middle of the 1990s and is visible in both an absolute sense as well as in relation to the indigenous Dutch. Approximately half the potential labour force of ethnic minorities has a job. Most of these jobs are permanent, are paid well above the statutory minimum wage and are of average professional level. This article addresses the central issue of why some members of ethnic minorities are successful in the labour market while others are not. The analyses are based on surveys of ethnic minorities in 2002 and 2003 and point to the important role human capital plays in determining the success in the labour market. Social and cultural capital are also of importance here. At most half of the variance of the variables indicating success can be explained by the estimated models, suggesting that other factors also play a role. Interviews with almost a hundred members of ethnic minorities who are successful in the labour market indicate that psychological factors and persistence are probably important here too. A large number of respondents mentioned the stimulating role played by their parents and families, however, the latter's level of education did not seem to be relevant. Successful ethnic minority members often worked for companies that offered them opportunities. This could also be regarded as a factor for success. Finally, many members of ethnic minorities did not consider the government to have been a positive factor in their success.


2012 ◽  
pp. 74-82 ◽  
Author(s):  
A. Stavinskaya ◽  
E. Nikishina

The opportunities of the competitive advantages use of the social and cultural capital for pro-modernization institutional reforms in Kazakhstan are considered in the article. Based on a number of sociological surveys national-specific features of the cultural capital are marked, which can encourage the country's social and economic development: bonding social capital, propensity for taking executive positions (not ordinary), mobility and adaptability (characteristic for nomad cultures), high value of education. The analysis shows the resources of the productive use of these socio-cultural features.


2020 ◽  
Vol 17 (1) ◽  
pp. 7-16
Author(s):  
Amjad Mohamed-Saleem

With nearly three million Sri Lankans living overseas, across the world, there is a significant role that can be played by this constituency in post-conflict reconciliation.  This paper will highlight the lessons learnt from a process facilitated by International Alert (IA) and led by the author, working to engage proactively with the diaspora on post-conflict reconciliation in Sri Lanka.  The paper shows that for any sustainable impact, it is also critical that opportunities are provided to diaspora members representing the different communities of the country to interact and develop horizontal relations, whilst also ensuring positive vertical relations with the state. The foundation of such effective engagement strategies is trust-building. Instilling trust and gaining confidence involves the integration of the diaspora into the national framework for development and reconciliation. This will allow them to share their human, social and cultural capital, as well as to foster economic growth by bridging their countries of residence and origin.


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