scholarly journals The Meaning of Memory in Bunin and Hippius

Literatūra ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 63 (2) ◽  
pp. 41-53
Author(s):  
Svetozar Poštić

This paper illustrates the meaning of memory by the fate and change in spiritual orientation of Ivan Bunin and Zinaida Hippius, two prominent literary figures of the late tsarist Russia and interbellum émigré Paris. Most importantly, it examines the post-revolutionary transformation of values and reconciliation with external circumstances and internal afflictions of these two writers. The significance of memory becomes prominent in Bunin after his realization of the tragic and frightening consequences of the revolution, which results in his turn to the past as the source of tranquility and comfort. Hippius’s diaries and poetry, especially after her husband’s death, also show her turn toward eternal values and away from the hitherto paramount terrestrial, fleeting aspirations. The oeuvres of both writers are placed in the context of pre-revolutionary orientation towards the past that is contrary to the modernist shift to the future, which announced and precipitated the Russian Revolution of 1917.

2018 ◽  
Vol 9 (1) ◽  
pp. 153
Author(s):  
Viktor Yu. MELNIKOV ◽  
Yuri A. KOLESNIKOV ◽  
Alla V. KISELEVA ◽  
Bika B. DZHAMALOVA ◽  
Aleksandra I. NOVITSKAYA

Without understanding the past can be neither a viable present and no decent future. The appeal of the nation to its history – this is not an attempt to escape from the present and uncertainty about the future. This understanding of who we are, where we came from. Based on our experience, we can confidently move forward. Not happen in the Russian revolution, which way went the history of the world? Can we learn from the past to prevent another disaster? The lessons of history are there – they just need to be able to retrieve. The main lesson we can learn from what happened in 1917 – the need to value human life. Russia of the late XIX – early XX century was an incredible human potential.


2009 ◽  
Vol 36 (2) ◽  
pp. 196-229
Author(s):  

AbstractMany painful ideological problems existing in contemporary Russia are determined by the inadequacy of perception of the country's revolutionary past. This misperception stems from both the consequences of the decades-long mythologization of the October Revolution and its leaders and from the more recent attempts to get rid of the dependence on Bolshevik propaganda. Contemporary historic memory in Russia is beset with one major contradiction: the desire to part with the myth, and the inability to do so. Although, traditionally, images of the past are usually adapted in order to suit the needs of modernity, this task has become much easier in contemporary society with its powerful mass media fitted with visual networks. Historic memory, previously shaped by legends, folklore, rites and rituals, now comes under relentless fire from the dilettantes pretending to have discovered some "true" vision of the past, and illustrating this vision by incongruous video footage. As a result, images of the past inevitably lose their former edifying role and become a means of inculcation by propagating political and moral stereotypes advantageous to the authorities. The wave of discussions on the Russian Revolution, which rose in connection with its current anniversary, was yet another indication that today's ideologists, with their inept denunciations, are only aggravating the trauma inflicted on social conscience.


2020 ◽  
pp. 168-180
Author(s):  
Jeff Horn

For Rousselin, one of the chief lessons of the French Revolution was that fundamental change took time. He believed that it was the speed and the depth of the crisis of 1793–94 that led to violence. What helped a Revolutionary become a liberal was an acceptance of a slower pace of change. Rousselin used his position and then his time in retirement to try to refine his legacy and avoid further controversy. His choices about what to write and what to publish aimed to propagate a particular vision of the Revolution and his role in it. He wanted to be remembered as a victim not a perpetrator of the Terror. But he could not stop challenges to that vision from appearing; it was love for family that convinced him to retire from the spotlight to contemplate the past and hope for the future.


Author(s):  
Aleksey S. Chernozhukov

The article deals with the activities of the Union of Unions during the Russian revolutionary unrest in 1905-1907. The author focuses on the fact that the organisation consisted of united various socio-political unions and was aimed at the fighting for the convocation of the Constituent Assembly and for universal suffrage. The main attention in the article is paid to the decisions of the delegate congresses of the Union, which took place during 1905-1906. The association was headed by Pavel Milyukov, who had always regarded the Union as a prototype of the future party of constitutional democrats. The author gives a generalised description of the Union’s initiatives to boycott the elections to the first State Duma, to participate in the all-Russia political strike and the December armed uprising in the fall of 1905. The article traces the difficult relationship of zemstvos and the Union of Unions, which failed to determine its position in relation to them. As a result, the author makes a conclusion that during the recession of the revolution, the Union of Unions ceased to carry out active work and gradually disintegrated, it had failed to find its place among revolutionary organisations.


2018 ◽  
Vol 34 ◽  
pp. 367-388
Author(s):  
Camila Garcia Kieling

This paper proposes a recomposition of the intrigue of journalistic narratives on the Revolution of April 25, 1974 in Portugal based on the coverage of two Brazilian newspapers: O Estado de S. Paulo and Jornal do Brasil. The journalistic narrative is understood as a time orderer in the contemporaneity, expressing a “generalized circulation of historical perception” (Nora, 1979, p. 180), mobilized by the emergence of a new phenomenon: the event. The unusual coup d’état in Portugal stirred the world’s political imagination, reviving confrontations between left and right. At that moment, in Brazil, the military dictatorship completed 10 years and the fourth president of the Armed Forces was beginning its mandate. Narratives are analyzed from different points of view: the organization of facts in time, the construction of characters, projections for the future, or the re-signification of the past.


1967 ◽  
Vol 2 (2) ◽  
pp. 253-268
Author(s):  
Annie Kriegel

From 1920 to 1939, under the Third Republic, and again from 1943 to 1947, under the Fourth, the French communists were able to present themselves as the harbingers of the future society. But this did not prevent them from improvising, according to circumstances and to the response they received, bold variations on the theme of their relations with the established power and society. The question which so many people are now asking: ‘Have the communists really changed ?’ can be reduced to asking whether, in the fifties although possibly in a confused way, it was not their doctrinal basis which changed; and therefore whether, after a long and victorious battle and with the revolution definitely a thing of the past, we cannot now speak of communist integration, Just as it took sixty years for the modern form of Catholicism to triumph, so perhaps a certain kind of socialist revisionism could now also triumph in similar conditions. To discover whether this is so is the object of the present enquiry.


2020 ◽  
pp. 181-186
Author(s):  
Jeff Horn

Alexandre Rousselin, comte de Saint-Albin, never escaped the past. In retirement, further evidence of his activities during the Terror were published. Some continued to vilify him even long after his death in 1847. He remained committed to the ideals of the Revolution, but recognized that they would take a long time to fulfill. Obsessed with his legacy, he focused ever more on family. His hopes for the future centered on making sure that his actions did not prevent them from being incorporated into the French elite. If the Revolution was about making a new world, the governments of the nineteenth century saw some of the “new men” of the Revolution achieve social mobility, like Rousselin and his descendants.


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